Biography in English

Li Yuan-hung 黎元洪 T. Sung-ch'ing 宋卿 H. Huang-p'i 黃坡 Li Yuan-hung (1864-3 June 1928), the only man to serve twice as president of the republican government at Peking T(June 1916-July 1917; June 1922-June 1923).

Huangp'i, north of Hankow, was the birthplace of Li Yuan-hung. His ancestors, merchants from Anhwei, had settled in Hupeh as farmers. During the Taiping Rebellion Li's father, Li Chao-hsiang, had joined the government forces, and he had risen to the rank of captain. After retiring from the army and living on a government pension, Li Chao-hsiang went north to join a military unit stationed near Tientsin. His family joined him at Tientsin soon afterwards. Li Yuan-hung began his formal education at a private school in 1879, and five years later he became a cadet at the Tientsin Naval Academy. Upon graduation in March 1889 he was sent on a six-month training cruise to Canton and back. After acquiring some naval experience, he was appointed early in 1894 to the post of chief engineer on the cruiser Kuang-chia, then stationed at Shanghai. The ship was ordered to Port Arthur soon after the Sino-Japanese war began in 1894, but before reaching its destination it struck a hidden coral reef The crippled Kuang-chia then was shelled and sunk by the Japanese. Li, who could not swim, was washed ashore by the tide after floating in a life belt for three hours. He made his way to Port Arthur, where he remained for the rest of the war.

After the Japanese destroyed the Peiyang fleet in 1894-95, Li Yuan-hung abandoned all thoughts of a naval career. He went to Shanghai and took a position with Chang Chih-tung (ECCP, I, 27-32), the governor general of Liang-Kiang (Kiangsu, Kiangsi, and Anhwei). He was assigned responsibility for constructing fortifications at Nanking, and, under his direction, the task was completed within a year. When Chang Chih-tung was transferred to Wuchang in 1896 as governor general of Hu-Kwang (Hupeh and Hunan), he appointed Li to his staffs of military advisers. Chang planned to organize and train a modern army, the Tzu-ch'iang chün [self-strengthening army], and he sent Li to Japan in 1897, 1899, and 1902 to observe and study military modernization. Li became one of Chang's most valued assistants in building up the new army in Hupeh, and he rose steadily in rank. In 1906 he received command of the newly created 21st Mixed Brigade.

In the years immediately preceding 1911 Hupeh became a principal center of revolutionary activity, with army units in the Wuhan area as primary targets of propaganda and infiltration. In the autumn of 1910, when Li discovered that his own brigade was being infiltrated by revolutionists, he took steps to break up the Chen-wu hsueh-she, a secret organization of army officers. Despite such efforts, the revolutionary movement in Hupeh continued to gain strength. In the autumn of 1911 the Wen-hsueh-she, headed by Chiang I-wu (d. 1913), and the Kung-chin-hui, headed by Sun Wu (d. 1940; Orig. Pao-jen; T. Yaoching), secretlv joined forces and planned a revolt at Wuchang for 6 October. The date was changed to 16 October, but the accidental explosion of a bomb on 9 October in a hidden T'ung-meng-hui arsenal in Hankow and the ensuing investigation by government authorities forced the revolutionaries to initiate the revolt on 10 October. The revolutionary forces soon succeeded in driving out Jui-cheng, the Manchu governor general, and Chang Piao, the senior military officer in the Wuhan area. Because of the premature outbreak of the revolt, such recognized leaders of the movement as Sun Wu and Chiang I-wu were absent from Wuhan, leaving the revolutionaries disorganized and in desperate need of military leadership. On 11 October 1911 the revolutionaries met with the Hupeh provincial advisory council at Wuchang and named Li Yuan-hung, the senior officer remaining in Wuchang, to head the new revolutionary regime. Li, who had never been associated with the revolutionary movement and who did not wish to become involved in an anti- Manchu revolt, went into hiding. On being discovered by a search party, he consented to go with them to the provincial advisory council only after being threatened with violence. He reluctantly agreed to head a republican government at Wuchang and assumed the title of tutuh [military governor] of Hupeh. Five days later, on 16 October, he took the concurrent title of commander in chief of the Hupeh revolutionary army.

At first, Li Yuan-hung evinced little enthusiasm for the role forced upon him, and he contributed little to the new regime. The work of organizing the revolutionary government was left to such political leaders as T'ang Hua-lung and Chü Cheng (qq.v.) and the conduct of military operations was undertaken by the military bureau, headed by Sun Wu and Chiang I-wu and then by Chang Chen-wu (d. 1912; Orig. Yao-hsin; T. Ch'un-shan). After the arrival of Huang Hsing fq.v.) in the Wuhan area, Li retired in Huang's favor as commander in chief of the revolutionary army on 3 November 1911. As it became apparent that the revolutionary movement was succeeding in other provinces and would probably succeed throughout China, Li's willingness to commit his fortunes to the new regime seemed to increase. On 9 November 1911 he sent telegrams to revolutionary governments in other provinces in which he proposed that they send delegates to Wuchang to discuss the formation o£ a provisional central government. Provincial delegates began to gather in Wuchang late in November. By mid-December, because of the military situation at Wuchang, they had decided to move their conference to Nanking. They elected Sun Yat-sen to the provisional presidency on 29 December 1911 and Li Yuan-hung to the provisional vice presidency on 3 January 1912. After Sun Yat-sen's resignation in favor of Yuan Shih-k'ai, Li again was elected to the vice presidency on 20 February.

Li Yuan-hung remained at Wuchang as tutuh of Hupeh and did not join the government after it moved to Peking. Yuan Shih-k'ai, in an attempt to consolidate the new government's control of China, worked to reduce the power of revolutionary and regional leaders by separating them from their power bases in the provinces. Although some leaders left the provinces to accept attractive positions at Peking, Li Yuan-hung repeatedly refused to leave Hupeh and assume office at the new capital. In Hupeh, his relations with the local military chiefs, particularly the T'ung-meng-hui leader Chang Chen-wu, became increasingly strained. Li urged them to accept Yuan Shih-k'ai's invitation to serve as military advisers in Peking, and in the summer of 1912 Chang Chen-wu and other Hupeh military leaders departed for the capital. Soon afterwards, Li sent a confidential telegram to Yuan Shih-k'ai in which he accused Chang Chen-wu of fomenting revolt among the troops and recommended his execution. Yuan had Chang shot on 15 August and justified his action by publishing Li's telegram. This action undermined Li's popularity in Hupeh and weakened his relations with the Hupeh military and the newly formed Kuomintang.

Li Yuan-hung managed to maintain his position in Hupeh until the so-called second revolution of 1913 collapsed, but his waning prestige and inability to find allies made it increasingly difficult for him to resist the political and military pressures exerted on him by Yuan Shih-k'ai. Even before the outbreak of hostilities between Yuan's forces and the Kuomintang troops, he had bowed to Yuan's request for free passage through Hupeh to attack the Kuomintang forces in Hunan and Kiangsi. The expansion of Peiyang power to the Yangtze provinces after the second revolution made Li's position almost untenable. In December, Yuan Shih-k'ai dispatched his trusted lieutenant Tuan Ch'i-jui (q.v.) to Hankow to demand that Li assume office in Peking. On 9 December, Li boarded the private train which Tuan had provided for him and left for Peking. On arrival at the capital, Li Yuan-hung was given a ceremonious welcome by Yuan Shih-k'ai and was accorded all the honors and courtesies due a vice president. Yuan also made him chief of general staff and arranged the marriage of one of his sons to Li's elder daughter. Despite these honors and courtesies, Li soon discovered that he had no real authority at Peking. In December 1913 his name was used to head a list of Yuan's military supporters who demanded the dissolution of the National Assembly. In May 1914 he was appointed to head the new but powerless Ts'an-cheng-yuan [council of state], which Yuan created as a replacement for the national assembly. He was created Wu-i ch'in-wang [Prince Wu-i] in Yuan's new imperial order in 1915. Throughout this period, Li repeatedly asked to be relieved of his offices and to be allowed to retire to his native province, but Yuan denied his requests. Because he could not extricate himself from Peking, Li adopted an attitute of passive non-cooperation. Li Yuan-hung's political captivity appeared to be at an end when Yuan Shih-k'ai died on 6 June 1916. Li acceded to the presidency on 7 June. He soon found, however, that most of the real authority of the government had been assumed by Tuan Ch'i-jui as premier and that Tuan and his supporters in the Peiyang clique regarded him as little more than a figure-head. Li was at a disadvantage in opposing Tuan, for he lacked personal military backing and close relations with major factions in the National Assembly. His resentment of Tuan's monopoly of power led to considerable friction between the two men, and the situation was aggravated by the peremptory actions of Tuan's deputy Hsü Shu-cheng (q.v.). Tuan's enemies in the National Assembly, led by Sun Hung-i, the minister of interior, sought to use Li as a bridle for Tuan's power. Li's opposition to Tuan usually took the form of refusing to sign measures proposed by Tuan and his supporters. A major issue which arose at Peking during this period was the question of whether China should enter the First World War on the side of the Allies. Li did not oppose the idea of declaring war on Germany, but he refused to accept Tuan Ch'i-jui's methods of achieving this end. In March 1917 Tuan submitted for Li's signature an official telegram to the Chinese minister in Japan which announced the Chinese government's decision to sever relations with Germany. Li refused to sign any such document without the approval of the National Assembly. As Tuan continued to press for China's entry into the war, his relations with Li and the National Assembly steadily deteriorated. In April, Tuan convened a meeting of Peiyang military leaders to ensure acceptance of his war policy, but this action and its implied threat of military coercion merely served to stiffen Li's opposition and to arouse such indignation in the National Assembly that its members demanded Tuan's resignation. On 23 May, emboldened by the expressed feelings of the National Assembly and by assurances of military support from Chang Hsün (q.v.), Li dismissed Tuan from the premiership. In naming a new premier, Li made an effort to placate the Peiyang militarists. On 28 May 1917 he appointed Li Ching-hsi, a former associate of Yuan Shih-k'ai, to succeed Tuan Ch'i-jui. Almost immediately all of the northern military governors except Chang Hsün declared their provinces independent of the Peking government. Tuan Ch'i-jui and his associates planned this action in the hope that Li would turn to Chang for aid and that Chang, who dreamed of restoring the Ch'ing dynasty to power, would drive Li and the National Assembly from Peking. Li soon invited Chang to Peking to mediate the political crisis, and Chang advanced on the capital with a force of 5,000 men. After seizing control of Peking, Chang compelled Li on 12 June to issue an order dissolving the National Assembly. On 1 July, Li refused to sign an order restoring the Manchu monarchy. By this time, Li had come to believe that only Tuan Ch'i-jui could preserve the republic, and on 2 July he sent an order to Tientsin which reappointed Tuan premier and instructed him to raise an army against Chang Hsün. An order was sent to Feng Kuo-chang (q.v.), the vice president, instructing him to assume the duties of the presidency during the crisis. On 3 July, Li took refuge in the Japanese legation, where he remained until the monarchists were overthrown by Tuan Ch'i-jui on 14 July. Tuan soon induced him to resign from the presidency in favor of Feng Kuochang, and on 27 August 1917 Li left Peking for Tientsin.

According to his son, the years from August 1917 to April 1922 formed the most enjoyable period in Li Yuan-hung's life. He lived quietly at his estate in Tientsin and dissociated himself from all political activity. This idyllic life came to an end in mid-1922. After the Chihli leaders W'u P'ei-fu and Ts'ao K'un (qq.v.) triumphed over the Fengtien forces of Chang Tso-lin (q.v.), a number of political and military leaders joined together in a movement to achieve a peaceful unification of the northern and the southern governments by restoring the constitution of 1912 and the National Assembly of 1913 and by returning Li Yuan-hung to the presidency. Some of the supporters of this movement hoped to use it to enhance the prestige of the Chihli clique and to remove Hsü Shih-ch'ang (q.v.) from the presidency, but these aspirations were not apparent to Li Yuan-hung. He agreed to serve as president on two conditions: that the military leaders reduce the size of their armed forces and that the system of tuchün [military governors] be abolished. After receiving public assurances from the Chihli leaders that these conditions would be met, he went to Peking and assumed the presidency on 1 1 June 1922.

Despite the promises of the Chihli leaders, Li was little more than a figurehead at Peking. Both the cabinet and the National Assembly were dominated by the Chihli clique, and when Li tried to exercise his constitutional powers as president, he was either ignored or overridden by them. Ts'ao K'un and his supporters soon decided to oust Li and secure Ts'ao's election to the presidency. In June 1923 a hired "citizens corps" staged a demonstration against Li in Peking. Both the police and the soldiers of the Peking garrison, allegedly protesting arrears in their pay, surrounded Li's residence, severed the telephone and water lines, and then went on strike. These harassment tactics soon drove Li from Peking. On 13 June his train was halted near Tientsin by supporters of Ts'ao K'un, who detained him until he had signed a proclamation announcing his resignation from the presidency and had given them the presidential seal. Li Yuan-hung left Tientsin for Shanghai on 8 September 1923 in the hope of uniting Chang Tso-lin, T'ang Chi-yao (q.v.), and other enemies of the Chihli clique in support of an opposition government. When this plan failed, Li, who was seriously ill with diabetes, sailed to Japan and rested for six months at the hot springs resort at Beppu. He returned to China in May 1924 to live in complete retirement at his Tientsin estate. On 3 June 1928 he died of a cerebral hemorrhage. He was survived by his wife, nee Wu (d. 1929) and by his two sons, Shao-chi and Shao-yeh, and his two daughters, Shao-fang and Shao-fen. Li Shao-fang had married Yuan Shih-k'ai's son Yuan K'o-chin in 1914. Li Shao-chi, using the name Edward S. G. Li, had published The Life of Li Yuan-hung at Tientsin in 1925.

Several collections of Li Yuan-hung's papers and correspondence have been published. These include the Li fu-tsung-f ung shu-tu, published in 1912; the Li fu-tsung-t'ung shu-tu hui-pien and the Li fu-tsung-t'ung cheng-shu, which appeared in 1914; the Li ta-tsung-t'ung cheng-shu, published at Shanghai in 1916; and the Li ta-tsung-t'ung wen-tu lei-pien, which first appeared in 1923 at Shanghai.

Biography in Chinese

黎元洪

字:宋卿

号:黄陂

黎元洪(1864—1928.6.3),是唯一两次担任北京民国政府总统的人,任职时间为1918年6月—1917年7月,1922年6月—1923年6月。

汉口北面的黄陂是黎元洪的生地。他的祖辈先在安徽经商后在湖北务农。太平天国时,他父亲黎朝相是清军练军游击,退职后,受恩俸在天津投北洋军,其家属不久到天津同他会合,黎自1879年在私塾正式受学,五年后,入天津水师学堂,1889年3月毕业后,去广州舰艇见习六个月,取得一些航海经验后,1894年为广甲舰管轮驻上海,1894年中日战争开始,该舰奉命调往旅顺,途中触礁,又被日舰击沉,黎不谙水性,靠救生圈漂浮三小时后被海浪冲上海岸,他转到旅顺,住在该地一直到中日战争结束。

北洋舰队在1894—1895年中日战争中被日军击溃,黎放弃了从事海军事业的任何打算,去上海由两江总督张之洞(管辖江苏。浙江和安徽)委派他修筑南京炮台,他指导该项工程于一年后竣工。1890年张之洞调任湖广(湖北和湖南)总督去武昌,委黎为管带(军事幕僚),张计划组织和训练一支近代化军队“自强军”,1897年、1899年、1902年三次派黎去日本考察军事,黎由是成为张之洞训练鄂省新军的最得力助手之一,并得以稳步递升,1908年受任新组成的第二十一混成协统领。

1911年革命前,湖北成了革命活动的重要中心,武汉地区的军队,成为革命宣传和革命力最渗透的主要目标。1910年秋,黎发觉其军队中已有革命党人渗入,乃采取措施,破坏了一个秘密的军官组织“振武学社”,他虽作了这些努力,但是革命运动继续在湖北增涨。1911年秋,蒋翊武(死于1913年)为首
的“文学社”和孙武(死于1940年,原名保仁。字幡庆)为首的“共进会”,实行秘密联合,准备在10月6日于武昌起义,后又改为10月16日。10月9日,同盟会在汉口的秘密军火岸发生意外爆炸,以及清政府随即进行的搜索迫使革命党人将起义时间提前到10月10日。革命党人起义后成功地逐走满人总督瑞澂,和武汉地区提督张彪。

起义由于事发仓猝,公认的领袖人物如孙武、蒋翊武都不在武汉,因而民军呈现紊乱,亟需军事方面的领导。1911年10月11日革命党人和湖北谘议局会商,推定尚在该地的高级军官黎元洪为新的革命政府首领。黎本人与革命活动从无联系,不愿从事反清活前,匿居不出。经搜査岀之后,在暴力胁迫下同意去谘议局,勉强答应当武昌民国政府首领,担任湖北都督职。五天之后,10月16日,又兼任湖北民军总司令。

起先,黎元洪对被逼接受的职务缺乏热情,对新政府无甚贡献。组织革命政府的工作交由汤化龙、居正等负责,军事行动则由孙武、蒋武翊,后由张振武担任,张死于1912年。黄兴到武汉后,11月3日,黎元洪辞去总司令职由黄兴继任。

革命起义正在各省取得成功,并将在全国获胜,黎元洪将自己的命运与新政府相联结的志愿亦随之加强。11月9日,他致电各省革命政府派代表到武昌商议成立临时中央政府。各省代表于11月间到达武昌,12月中旬,因武昌军事局劳的关系,迁到南京开会,1911年12月29日他们选举孙逸仙为临时大总统,1912年1月3日,选黎元洪为临时副总统。孙逸仙让位于袁世凯后,2月20日,黎仍被选为副总统。

民国政府迁往北京,黎元洪以鄂省都督仍留在武昌。袁世凯为了加强其政府以控制全国,用调离的办法削弱革命党人及地方势力。虽有某些领袖人物去北京就任诱人的职位,黎元洪却一再拒绝离开湖北去新首都任职。他在湖北与当地军界人物,特别是与同盟会首领张振武的关系开始变得紧张起来。他催促他们去北京接受袁世凯之聘出任顾问。1912年夏,张振武及其他湖北首领去北京。不久,黎元洪密电袁世凯称张振武准各兵变,应加处决。8月15日,袁世凯枪决了张振武并公布了黎元洪的密电作为自己枪杀张的依据。此举使黎元洪在湖北的声誉大大减低,他与湖北军界首领及新成立的国民党的关系亦犬为削弱。

1913年二次革命失败前,黎元洪总算保持住了他在湖北的地位,但是他声名狼籍又狼无能,声望下降而又找不到新的同盟者,使他越来越难抵挡袁世凯所施加的军事政治压力。在袁世凯与国民党军队的冲突发生前,黎元洪已屈从袁世凯,允其军队通过湖北去打湘赣一带的国民党军队。二次革命后。北洋势力已伸入长江流域,黎元洪的地位岌岌可危。12月,袁世凯派亲信段祺瑞到汉口要黎元洪去北京就职。12月9日,黎元洪登上段祺瑞为他提供的专车,去了北京。

黎元洪到北京时,受到袁世凯的迎接,并得到了作为副总统应得的各种礼遇,袁委任他为参谋,又娶黎元洪的长女为媳。虽有这些礼遇和殊荣,但黎元洪不久发现他在北京毫无实权。1913年12月,黎元洪的名字被用来领衔一批军人,要求取消国会。1914年5月,任代理无实权的参政院院长。1915年袁世凯筹备称帝,封黎元洪为“武义亲王”。在此期间,他曾多次请求辞职,退休回湖北,但为袁世凯所拒,他既不能离开北京,乃采取消极的不合作态度。

1916年6月6日袁世凯死去,黎元洪的政治软禁始告结束。8月7日,黎就任总统。不久他发现政府的全部实权都操在内阁总理段祺瑞及北洋军人手中,他们只把他当作个傀儡罢了。他既无军事后台,又与国会中主要派系毫无联系,因而无力反对段祺瑞。他对段棋瑞的专橫十分不满,经常引起两人间的冲突,更因徐树铮的跋扈而加剧。国会中由内务总长孙洪伊为首的反段势力金图利用黎元洪挟制段祺瑞,黎元洪经常采用拒绝在段及其支持者的文件上签宇的方式来反对段祺瑞。

当时北京面临的一个重大同题是是否站在协约国一方参加第一次世界大战。黎元洪并不反对对德宣战,但他反对段祺瑞为此所采取方法。1917年3月段祺瑞要黎元洪在致驻日公使宣布对德绝交的电报上签字,黎以未得国会同意拒绝签字。段继续施加压力,因此与黎元洪及国会的关系不断恶化。4月,段祺瑞召集北洋军阀开会,谋求对他的参战政策的支持,但此举以及行将采取武力的暗示只是更加强化了黎的反对态度,并激怒了国会,以致议员们提出要段祺
瑞辞职。由于国会的态度为其壮了胆,加上张勋保证给予武力支持,黎元洪遂于5月23日除段祺瑞的内阁总理职务。

在任命新的内阁总理时,黎元洪为了安抚北洋军阀,1917年5月28日,任命前袁低凯的亲信李经曦继任段祺瑞之职。于是,北方各省督军,除张勋外,立刻宣布脱离北京政府而独立。段祺瑞及其亲信策划此举的目的是逼使黎元洪求援于张勋。张勋梦寐以求的却是清廷复辟,因而必然会逐走黎元洪和国会。黎元洪果然请张勋来京调解这一政治危机,张遂率军五千人到北京。张勋占领北京后。8月12日,逼黎元洪下令解散国会。7月1日,黎元洪对恢复清廷的命令拒不签字,此时他认为,要保存民国,非依赖段祺瑞的势力不可。7月2日,他下令再任段祺瑞为内阁总理,并要他率部驱逐张勋,同时下令副总统冯国璋在危机期间就总统职。7月3日,黎元洪避居日本使馆,一直到7月14日段祺瑞推翻了保皇派。不久,段祺瑞要黎元洪辞职,由冯国璋任大总统,1917年8月27日,黎元洪离京去天津。

据黎元洪儿子说,从1917年8月到1922年4月,是黎元洪生活中最为愉快的时期。他安安静挣地住在天津的别墅里,和一切政治活动都脱离了关系,但这种闲适的生活到1922年中期又结束了,直系首领吴佩孚、曹锟战胜了奉系张作霖,一些军界政界首领想恢复1912年宪法和1913年国会以及黎元洪的大总统职而统一南北两个政府。支持这倡议的人有些是想利用这个机会加强直系势力并驱逐总统徐世昌,但黎元洪并无这种用心,他同意在军人缩减其军事力量以及取消督军制度两个条件下出任总统,直系首领同意这两个条件。黎元洪乃于1922年6月11日到北京任总统。

 

直系首领虽同意这些条件,但黎元洪在北京仍不过是一名傀儡,内阁和国会操在直系手中,每当黎元洪想依宪法行使总统职权,他不是被置之不顾就是为人所制服。曹锟及其支持者不久又决定驱逐黎元洪选曹锟为总统。1923年6月,一个收买而成的“公民团”游行示威反对黎元洪,北京市警察以及卫戍区的士兵,声称抗议欠饷,包围了黎元洪的住宅,切断其电话和水源,实行罢工。这些刁难措施迫使黎元洪离开北京,6月13日,他的专车在天津附近被曹锟的部属扣留,直至他被迫签署退职声明并交岀总统印章。

1923年9月8日,黎元洪离天津去上海,希望联合张作霖、唐继尧及其他反对直系的势力组织反对派政府。但这一计划失败了,黎元洪因糖尿病加重去日本别府温泉休养了六个月。1924年5月回国后,他完全脱离政治活动住在天津别墅中,1928年6月3日,因溢血死去,遣有妻吴氏(死于1929年),二子绍基、绍业,二女绍芳、绍芬。黎绍芳于1914年与袁世凯的儿子袁克钦结婚,黎绍基以爱德华黎的名字,1925年在天津出版了《黎元洪的一生〉一书。

黎元洪的公文书信已有一些编成集子出版,其中有:1912年出版的《黎那总统书牍》,1914年出版的《黎副总统书牍汇编》、《黎副总统政书>,1916年在上海出版的《黎大总统政书》,1923年在上海首次出版的《黎大总统文牍类编》。

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