Biography in English

Tuan Ch'i-jui 段祺瑞 T. Chih-ch'üan 芝泉 H. Cheng-tao lao-jen 正道老人 Tuan Ch'i-jui (6 March 1865-2 November 1936), Peiyang military leader and head of the Anhwei clique. He served at Peking as minister of war (1912-14), premier (April-June 1916; June 1916-May 1917; July-November 1917; March-October 1918), and as provisional chief executive at Peking from November 1924 to April 1926.

The eldest of three brothers, Tuan Ch'i-jui came from a family with a long tradition of military service. His grandfather, Tuan P'ei (d. 1879; T. Yuan-shan), had joined Liu Ming-ch'uan (ECCP, I, 526-28) and other natives of Hofei, Anhwei, in organizing militia bands under the over-all command of Li Hung-chang (ECCP, I, 464-71) to fight the Taipings. Tuan P'ei subsequently rose to the rank of brigade commander in the army of Liu Ming-ch'uan, and beginning in 1872 he was stationed at Such'ien, Kiangsu. That year, Tuan Ch'i-jui, then a boy of seven, went to Such'ien, where he studied under his grandfather's supervision until the latter's death in 1879.

In 1881, at the age of 16, Tuan joined one of his father's cousins at the army camp at Weihaiwei, Shantung. He held a minor military post there until 1884 when he passed the entrance examination for the newly established Peiyang Military Academy (Pei-yang wu-pei hsueh-t'ang), becoming a member of its first class. After three years of training in modern military methods under foreign instructors, he was graduated at the top of his class in 1887 and was assigned to supervise repairs in the gun batteries at Port Arthur. Late in 1888 Tuan was one of the five graduates of the Peiyang Military Academy selected by Li Hung-chang for military study abroad. Tuan arrived in Germany in the spring of 1889, studied military science in Berlin, and later received practical training in artillery engineering at the Krupp armament works. Upon his return to China in the autumn of 1890, he was placed in charge of the Peiyang Arsenal (Pei-yang chun-hsiehchü). In 1891-94 he served as an instructor at the military school attached to the army base at Weihaiwei.

Late in 1895 Tuan Ch'i-jui was transferred to the army camp at Hsiaochan, near Tientsin, where Yuan Shih-k'ai had just begun to organize the Newly Created Army. As commander of the army's artillery battalion and director of the artillery training school attached to the base, Tuan made important contributions to the building up of the military machine that became known as the Peiyang Army. When Yuan Shih-k'ai was transferred to Shantung late in 1899 as acting governor, Tuan and the army (which had become the Right Division of the Guards Army) went with him to garrison the provincial capital of Tsinan. Two years later, when Yuan was moved to Chihli (Hopei) as governor general, he took Tuan with him and had him promoted to the civil rank of expectant prefect. In July 1902, again on Yuan's recommendation, Tuan was promoted to expectant tao-t'ai in recognition of his part in restoring calm to southern Chihli, which had been plagued by bands of outlaws.

As one of Yuan Shih-k'ai's chief military aides, Tuan Ch'i-jui played an important role in the Ch'ing government's program to expand and modernize China's military establishment. Yuan carried out an administrative reorganization of the military forces under his command in the summer of 1902 and set up a provincial department of military administration (chüncheng-ssu), placing Tuan at the head of its staff section in charge of military planning. In December 1903 the Ch'ing government followed Yuan's lead and established a commission for army reorganization, with Yuan as associate director and Tuan as head of the military command department (chün-ling-ssu) in charge of military planning, cartography, and military stores. Yuan was ordered to increase the number of Peiyang Army divisions, and Tuan became commander of a number of these new units as they were formed. Tuan took command of the 3rd Division when it was activated in June 1904; he was transferred to the 4th Division in February 1905; and he received command of the 6th Division in September 1905. Early in 1906, while briefly serving again as commander of the 3rd Division, Tuan was appointed supervisor of the Peiyang Military Academy, and for the next three years he devoted himself to military education. Although he was appointed brigade general at Tingchouchen, Fukien, in March 1906, he remained in Chihli and became director of the staff officers college (chun-kuanhsueh-t'ang) attached to Yuan Shih-k'ai's camp at Paoting. Late in 1909 Tuan resumed command of the 6th Division, and at the end of December 1910 he became acting commander in chief of the Chiangpei region in Kiangsu. After the republican revolution began with the Wuchang revolt of 1911, he was transferred to Peking. On 27 October, Yuan Shih-k'ai replaced the Manchu Yin-ch'ang as high commissioner of the imperial forces in Hupeh, and Tuan became commander of the Second Army. After Yuan had established control over the government at Peking, he appointed Tuan acting governor general of Hupeh and Hunan on 17 November, with full military authority in the Wuhan area. Tuan also replaced Feng Kuo-chang (q.v.) as commander of the First Army.

During the final years of the Ch'ing empire Tuan Ch'i-jui, like most senior Peiyang military officers, appears to have been loyal primarily to Yuan Shih-k'ai rather than to the Ch'ing dynasty. He thus was prepared to give his full support to Yuan as the provisional president of the republican government. On 20 March 1912 Tuan became minister of war at Peking, a post he held, with only brief interruptions, through a succession of cabinets in the next three years. From May to July 1913 he also served as acting premier. He went to Hankow in December 1913 to demand that the reluctant Li Yuan-hung (q.v.) go to Peking and assume office as vice president. After Li complied, Tuan remained in Hupeh for a time as military governor and brought the province under the complete domination of Peiyang troops. In February-March 1914 Tuan served as military governor of Honan so that he could assume direction of military operations against the bands of outlaws led by Pai-lang [white wolf] which were causing widespread unrest in central China.

By 1914 Tuan Ch'i-jui had become the most powerful of Yuan Shih-k'ai's lieutenants. Because he had assumed such functions as the training and transfer of troops and the selection and promotion of officers, many of the younger officers in the Peiyang Army regarded him, rather than Yuan, as their principal patron. In the spring of 1914 Yuan took steps to regain many of the powers which, because of the pressure of government affairs, he had delegated to Tuan. Early in May, Yuan reorganized the top military command, transferring a number of powers and responsibilities from the ministry of war to a new generalissimo's office under his personal control. Tuan, chagrined by this curtailment of his authority, began to absent himself from the war ministry, leaving much of his work to his vice minister, Hsu Shu-cheng (q.v.). He later decided to oppose Yuan's plan to become monarch and resigned from office on 31 May 1915.

Yuan Shih-k'ai's monarchical campaign went badly, and in March 1916 he was obliged to turn to Tuan Ch'i-jui for help in salvaging his regime. Tuan agreed to serve as chief of general staff on the understanding that Yuan would restore the republican form of government. On 22 April, after Yuan had indicated that he would relinquish his powers, Tuan also consented to act as premier. The next day, Tuan announced his new cabinet, in which he held the key post of minister of war. However, as Yuan continued to circumvent Tuan's demands that full military authority be restored to the ministry of war, it became apparent to Tuan that Yuan had no intention of yielding any real authority to him. There followed a silent struggle for power between the two men that ended only with Yuan's death in June 1916.

Although Li Yuan-hung succeeded Yuan Shih-k'ai as president at Peking, much of the power held by Yuan passed into the hands of Tuan Ch'i-jui, who acted quickly to change the governmental system so that the cabinet, with himself as premier, would be the center of executive authority. On 10 June 1916, he dissolved the generalissimo's office and transferred its powers to the ministry of war, and by the end of the month he had ordered the repeal of many laws made during Yuan's presidency. Although he had little understanding of parliamentary government, he reluctantly yielded to southern political and military leaders and agreed to abolish Yuan's constitutional compact of 1914, to order the restoration of the provisional constitution of 1912, and to call for a meeting of the old National Assembly that had been dissolved by Yuan Shih-k'ai in January 1914.

Tuan Ch'i-jui was confirmed as premier by the president and the reconvened National Assembly on 1 August 1916. Before long, his open impatience with the legal restraints on his power aroused opposition from Li Yuan-hung, who had never been on good terms with him, and from factions within the National Assembly. To control this opposition, Tuan relied on the Peiyang military clique. At conferences of provincial representatives called by Chang Hsün (q.v.) at Hsuchow in 1916 and 1917, the leading Peiyang military governors, headed by Ni Ssu-ch'ung, affirmed their support of Tuan's regime. In the spring of 191 7 the Peking government's attention focused on the question of China's relations with Germany. In February 1917 the United States began to press the Peking government to enter the First World War on the side of the Allies ; and Japan, which previously had opposed China's participation in the war, changed its position and urged Peking to declare war on Germany. Tuan moved quickly to sever diplomatic ties with Germany, a measure which was approved by the National Assembly on 14 March 1917. Tuan then worked to achieve a formal declaration of war, but on this question opinion within the National Assembly and even within the Peiyang clique was divided. On 25 April, Tuan summoned the military governors to Peking for a conference and succeeded in obtaining their unanimous agreement to a declaration of war. Having secured this backing, Tuan exerted heavy pressure on the National Assembly to pass the war participation bill. The assembly members, incensed by their harassment by "citizens groups" organized by Tuan's supporters and further angered by the recently disclosed loan agreements that Tuan was negotiating with the Japanese, demanded Tuan's resignation as their price for passing the bill. Because Tuan apparently was no longer in control of the political situation at Peking, Li Yuan-hung took advantage of the situation to dismiss Tuan from the premiership on 23 May.

After denouncing Li Yuan-hung's action as illegal, Tuan Ch'i-jui withdrew to Tientsin, where he and his followers began to organize military support for a plan to drive Li Yuan-hung from office and to take control of the Peking government. At Tuan's suggestion, Ni Ssu-ch'ung and several other northern governors declared their provinces independent and prepared their troops for an assault on the capital. Although Tuan remained silent on the question, his followers, to gain the military backing of the monarchist Chang Hsün, feigned agreement with Chang's demands that the Manchu emperor be restored to the throne. But after Chang Hsün arrived in Peking and announced the restoration of the emperor on 14 June, Tuan publicly denounced this move. He then declared himself commander in chief of an army which included the troops of Ts'ao K'un (q.v.), the 16th Mixed Brigade of Feng Yü-siang (q.v.), and the 8th Division of Li Ch'ang-t'ai. This army quickly routed Chang Hsün's forces, and on 14 July Tuan entered Peking in triumph. He promptly announced the end of the restoration and ordered the arrest of its leaders. He also assumed office once again as premier and minister of war. On 1 7 July he announced the composition of his new cabinet, which, in addition to his supporters, included such representatives of the so-called research clique as Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and T'ang Hua-lung (qq.v.). By this time, Li Yuan-hung had resigned under strong pressure from Tuan's followers, turning the presidency over to Feng Kuo-chang.

Because he no longer was hampered by the opposition of Li Yuan-hung and the National Assembly, Tuan Ch'i-jui had little difficulty in pushing through a declaration of war on Germany, which was announced on 14 August 1917. Regarding domestic matters, however, his regime faced complex problems. When a new National Assembly, dominated by his supporters, was convened at Peking, dissident leaders in south China undertook the so-called constitution protection movement in opposition to Tuan's government and organized a military government at Canton headed by Sun Yat-sen, Lu Jung-t'ing, and T'ang Chi-yao. Tuan and several other Peiyang leaders favored the use of military force to eliminate this opposition and to unify China. In the summer of 1917 he had replaced T'an Yen-k'ai (q.v.) as military governor of Hunan with one of his own trusted subordinates, Fu Liang-tso, and had transferred additional Peiyang military units to Hunan in preparation for an invasion of Kwangsi and Kwangtung.

Opposition to Tuan's policy of military unification came from members of the Peiyang clique as well as from the southern leaders. Feng Kuo-chang and his supporters in the Yangtze provinces favored peaceful unification. Feng's opposition was caused, in part, by his rivalry with Tuan for leadership of the Peiyang military faction. This power struggle led to the formation within the Peiyang faction of rival groups which became known as the Chihli clique (led by Feng Kuo-chang) and the Anhwei clique (led by Tuan Ch'i-jui). In the autumn of 1917 Tuan's efforts to subjugate Hunan and Szechwan met with failure, and Feng Kuochang's supporters circulated telegrams calling for a peaceful settlement of the civil strife in south China. Tuan responded by resigning from office and retiring to his stronghold in Tientsin. While Feng Kuo-chang and Tuan's successor as premier, Wang Shih-chen (q.v.), sought to implement a policy of peaceful negotiation with the southern leaders, Tuan's supporters gathered about him to plan his return to power. Under the direction of Hsu Shu-cheng, a conference of military leaders was called at Tientsin on 3 December 1917. Three days later, Ni Ssuch'ung, Chang Tso-lin (q.v.), and other military chiefs presented Feng Kuo-chang with a joint demand that he declare a punitive war on the southwestern provinces. This display of Tuan's strength forced Feng to yield ground. On 18 December, he appointed Tuan commander of China's forces participating in the European war. Tuan used this position to exert increasing pressure on Feng to reverse his policy of conciliation, forcing him to resume the war with the south and to send reinforcements under Ts'ao K'un and Chang Huai-chih into Hupeh and Hunan. Toward the end of February 1918, Tuan's influence was augmented when Chang Tso-lin agreed to loan Hsu Shu-cheng some Fengtien forces. On 19 March a telegram signed by a majority of the Peiyang generals, including some 18 military governors, demanded that Feng Kuo-chang reappoint Tuan premier. Feng had no alternative to compliance, and Tuan assumed office on 23 March. Throughout his fourth and final term as premier (March-October 1918) Tuan dominated the government at Peking through two powerful new organs. The first of these was the war participation bureau (tu-pan ts'an-chan shih-wu ch'u). Its purpose was the organization and training of a new military force, ostensibly to serve in Europe but actually to carry out the military unification of China under Tuan's direction. The second organization, the Anfu Club, was mainly political in character. It came into being on 7 March 1918 through the efforts of Hsu Shu-cheng and Wang I-t'ang (q.v.), and its aims were to influence the election of the new National Assembly in June and thereafter to manipulate the new body in favor of Tuan's policies.

The operations of the war participation bureau
and the Anfu Club reflected the close ties between Tuan's regime and Japanese interests. In 1917-18 Tuan's government concluded a number of agreements, known as the Nishihara loans (see Ts'ao Ju-lin), by which Japan obtained vast railroad, mining, and other concessions in China. Although most of the loan funds were earmarked for economic development, much money was spent to pay for Tuan's military campaigns against the southern provinces and to finance the political machinations of the Anfu Club. Tuan also used a share of the Japanese loan money to build up a new army. Under the direction of the war participation bureau, the Chinese government signed secret mutual military assistance agreements with Japan (25 March and 16 May) by which the Japanese agreed to finance, train, and equip a new Chinese military force, the War Participation Army (Ts'an-chan-chün), in return for such concessions as the right to station Japanese troops in Manchuria and Mongolia. Through these and other agreements, Japan's influence in China reached a new peak.

On 10 October 1918 Tuan Ch'i-jui's foremost rival, Feng Kuo-chang, turned over the presidency to Hsu Shih-ch'ang (q.v.) and retired from public life. That same day, as a concession to popular sentiment, Tuan also resigned. His resignation, however, in no way diminished his personal power; and through his control of the war participation bureau and the Anfu Club he was able to dominate the Peking government for almost two years. On 28 September, he had secured an additional loan from Japan to finance China's participation in the First World War, and he continued to enlarge the War Participation Army after the war ended. During the peace conference of northern and southern delegates at Shanghai early in 1919, the southern delegates demanded the disbandment of the War Participation Army and the dissolution of the military agreements with Japan. To avoid criticism on these points, the Peking government on 24 June reorganized the war participation bureau as the frontier defense bureau (tu-pan pien-fang shih-wu ch'u), with Tuan Ch'i-jui as director and redesignated the War Participation Army as the Northwest Frontier Defense Army (Hsi-pei pien-fang chun), with Hsu Shu-cheng as commander in chief. With continued Japanese assistance, the Northwest Frontier Defense Army became a formidable military machine which aroused the apprehension of some Peiyang generals as well as the military leaders in the southwestern provinces of China. The Peking regime soon became the object of growing public disfavor. The high-handed conduct of the Anfu Club earned it and the National Assembly it controlled an unsavory reputation. The prominent role of Japanese officers in the training of the Chinese army caused student agitation, as did the vast concessions granted Japan in return for the Nishihara loans. Reports from the Paris Peace Conference to the effect that Tuan's government had secretly agreed to transfer German rights in Shantung to Japan touched off a burst of indignation which resulted in the student demonstrations of May 1919. More significant for Tuan's power position, however, were signs of disaffection among the northern militarists, in particular, Ts'ao K'un and his redoubtable subordinate Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.). Wu, who nursed a grievance against Tuan, became increasingly critical of Tuan's regime, denouncing its policy of military unification and finding fault with such activities as the secret loan agreements with Japan. At the same time, the rapid expansion of Hsu Shu-cheng's power in Outer Mongolia challenged the interests of Hsu's former ally Chang Tso-lin, thus creating further antagonism to Tuan's regime. By July 1920 Tuan Ch'i-jui's enemies were ready to move against him. The Chihli clique, led by Ts'ao K'un, had made an agreement with the Fengtien faction of Chang Tso-lin, and Wu P'ei-fu had begun moving northward toward Peking. To counter the impending attack, Tuan Ch'i-jui on 6 July announced the formation of the National Pacification Army (Tingkuo-chun), composed of three divisions of the Northwest Frontier Defense Army, one of Hsu Shu-cheng's brigades, and the 15th Peiyang Division. On 14 July, these troops clashed with Chihli forces, thus beginning the Chihli- Anhwei war. With the aid of units dispatched by Chang Tso-lin from Fengtien province, the Chihli forces defeated Tuan's army in a number of clashes south of Peking. On 19 July, Hsu Shih-ch'ang announced the end of the five-day conflict, and on 28 July he accepted Tuan's resignation from the frontier defense bureau, which then was abolished. The following month brought the dissolution of the Northwest Frontier Defense Army and the Anfu Club. The Chihli-Anhwei war marked the end of Tuan Ch'i-jui's hegemony in north China. As effective control of the Peking government passed to his adversaries, Tuan withdrew to Tientsin, where he bided his time in retirement for the next four years. It was not until the autumn of 1924 that he reentered political life. After the defeat of Wu P'ei-fu and the removal of Ts'ao K'un from the presidency, the victorious Feng Yu-hsiang and Chang Tso-lin looked about for another man to head the Peking government. Tuan, as senior member of the Peiyang militarists, still commanded considerable prestige but had little military strength of his own. Thus he was acceptable to Feng, Chang, and the powerful military chiefs in the Yangtze provinces. On 24 November he became provisional chief executive (lin-shih tsung chihcheng) of the Peking government. The military leaders in Peking gave careful consideration to the type of government which would replace the discredited administration of Ts'ao K'un. As a gesture of conciliation to the Kuomintang, Tuan Ch'i-jui joined Feng Yü-hsiang and Chang Tso-lin in inviting Sun Yat-sen to Peking for discussion about governmental organization. Sun called for a national convention to determine the future government of China; and, in apparent agreement with Sun's ideas, Tuan announced that within a month he intended to convene a preliminary "aftermath conference" (shan-hou hui-i), to be followed two months later by a national congress of people's representatives. However, by the time Sun Yat-sen reached Tientsin early in December, Tuan had promulgated the articles of his provisional government. It soon became clear that Tuan had no intention of allowing Sun or the Kuomintang to interfere in the organization or workings of the new regime. Negotiations between Tuan and Sun about the composition of the aftermath conference quickly broke down. Despite strong protests from Sun and his colleagues, Tuan proceeded to hold the conference, beginning on 1 February 1925, without the formal participation of the Kuomintang. In subsequent meetings the conference adopted regulations providing for the organization of a national assembly of people's representatives. During the spring and summer of 1925 Tuan's regime went through the motions of preparing for a new National Assembly, providing for a committee to draft a new constitution, and fixing the dates for the election of representatives to the assembly. However, these provisions apparently were no more than token gestures to appease public opinion. Beginning in the autumn of 1925, the struggle for power between Feng YiA-hsiang and Chang Tso-lin made Tuan's position insecure. Because he found it impossible to placate both of them at the same time, Tuan Ch'i-jui sought to maintain his position by siding with whoever happened to have the upper hand at a given moment. But by April 1926, Tuan had lost the support of the victorious Chang Tso-lin, and after resigning his position on 20 April, he hastily left the capital for the safety of the Japanese concession in Tientsin. Thereafter, he devoted himself to the study of Buddhism and to giving financial encouragement to poor but promising students. After the Japanese seizure of Manchuria in 1931, many once-prominent Chinese were urged to participate in a Japanese-sponsored puppet government in north China. Although he had followed a pro-Japanese policy as premier, Tuan now resisted all Japanese attempts to win his support. He left Tientsin in January 1933 and moved to Shanghai, where, on 2 November 1936, he died of gastric ulcers.

Tuan Ch'i-jui had two younger brothers, Tuan Ch'i-fu (1873-1921), and Tuan Ch'i-hsun (1874-1927). The latter was a graduate of the Shikan Gakko in Japan who served as director of military training under Hsü Shih-ch'ang when Hsü was governor general in Manchuria under the Ch'ing dynasty. Tuan Ch'i-jui married his first wife, née Wu, in 1886; a year after her death in 1900 he married a member of the Chang family. Two sons lived to maturity, Tuan Hung-yeh (b. 1887) and Tuan Hung-fan (b. 1918).

Biography in Chinese

段祺瑞
字:芝泉
号:正道老人

段祺瑞(1865.3.6—1936.11.2),北洋军阀皖系首领。1912—14年任陆军总长,1916年4月至6月、1916年6月至1917年5月、1917年7月至11月、1918年3月至12月,任国务总理,1924年11月至1926年4月,任北京临时执
政。

段祺瑞在兄弟三人中居长,数世从军,他祖父段佩与刘铭传等安徽合肥同乡合办团练,由李鸿章统率攻打太平军,在刘部官至统领(旅长),1872年后驻江苏宿迁。是年,段祺瑞七岁去宿迁,随祖父读书至1879年祖父去世。

1881年段祺瑞十六岁时,随堂叔去山东威海卫从军,当一名小军官。1884年考入新建的北洋武备学堂第一期,经三年外国教官的新式军事训练后,1887年名列前茅毕业,去旅顺监修炮台。1888年,李鸿章派段祺瑞等五人出洋留
学。1889年春到德国,在柏林学军事,又去克虏伯兵工厂实习。1890年秋回国,在北洋军械局任职,1891—94年任威海卫随营武备学堂教官。

1895年,段调天津小站袁世凯新建陆军,任炮队统带(营长)兼随营学堂监督,他对北洋军军事机器的建立作了重要贡献。1899年,袁世凯署代山东巡抚,段率武卫右军随同去山东警卫济南。两年后,袁调任直隶总督,携段同行
并提升为补用道员,1902年因平定冀南匪患有功荐段为候补道台。

段祺瑞是袁世凯的主要军事助手,在清政府扩充军队和谋求军队现代化中起了重要作用。1902年夏袁世凯对所部进行改组,设立军政司以段为军政司参谋处总办,负责军事计划工作,1903年12月,清政府应袁世凯之请,成立练兵
处,袁任会办大臣,段任军令司正使,负责军事计划、测绘、军需事宜。袁奉命扩编北洋各师,段先后担任一些新建单位的指挥之职。1904年6月第三镇(师)成立时,任该镇翼长,1905年2月,调任第四镇统制(师长),1905年9月调任第六镇统制。

1906年初,段一度再任第三镇统制,兼督理北洋武备各学堂,从事军事教育工作三年。1906年3月,授福州汀州镇总兵,但仍留在直隶任袁世凯在保定总部附属的军官学堂总办。1909年,重任第六镇统制,1910年12月任江苏江北
提督。1911年武昌起义后,段调回北京。10月27日,袁世凯取代满族荫昌任湖北钦差大臣,任段为第二军军统(长)。袁世凯在北京控制了清政府后,于11月17日任段署湖广总督,兼领湖北各军,同时继冯国璋任第一军军统。

清末几年中,段祺瑞和其他北洋将领一样,首先是忠于袁世凯,而不是忠于清廷。他全力支持袁世凯任民国政府的临时大总统。1912年3月20日,段任陆军总长,此后三年除短期离职外,他在历届内阁中均保留此职。1913年5月
至7月,曾代理国务总理。1913年12月去汉口劝请不愿就任的黎元洪到京任副总统,黎答应后,段即留任湖北都督,使该省落入北洋军之手。1914年2月至3月,任河南都督,负责指挥镇压遍及华中的白狼的骚扰。

1914年间,段祺瑞是袁世凯手下最有权势的人物,他拥有训练、调遣军队和选拔、提升军官的权力,北洋军中的许多年轻军官,视段为恩主超过袁世凯。1914年春,袁采取步骤,收回前此因政府事务的压力而转交给段的权力。5月
初,袁世凯改组最高军事指挥机关,设“大元帅统率办事处”,将陆军部的部分权力转归自己直接掌握。段因此大为不满,把部务交给次长徐树铮,不再到部办事。后来,他决定反对袁称帝,于1915年5月31日辞职。

袁世凯的帝制活动并不顺利,1916年3月又请出段祺瑞来为其解围。段答应出任参谋总长,但以袁恢复共和政府为条件。4月22日,袁表示交出实权,段答应任代国务总理。翌日,段成立新内阁,掌握关键性岗位陆军总长之职,要求将全部军事权力交还陆军部,袁仍多方挟制,段得知其不愿交权,双方由此争斗不已,直至1916年6月袁死去。

黎元洪虽继袁世凯在北京就任总统,但袁世凯从前的许多权力却落入段祺瑞手中,他很快改变了政府制度,以他为总理的内阁成为行政权力的中心。1916年6月10日,他解散大元帅统率办事处,将权力转归陆军部,月底,又废
除了袁世凯所制订的多种法令。他并不了解什么叫议会政治,勉强同意了南方军政首领的要求,废除了袁世凯1914年的新约法,恢复1912年的临时约法,召开1914年被袁世凯解散的旧国会。

段祺瑞由总统和1916年8月1日重开的国会认可,成为国务总理。不久,他对他的权力所受到的法律上的限制公开表示不满,这激起了黎元洪和国会的反对,段和黎历来不和。他依仗北洋武力来抵制反对势力。1916和1917年,
张勋在徐州召开省区联合会,会上以倪嗣冲为首的北洋将领申明支持段政府。1917年春,北京政府的注意力集中于对德关系。1917年2月,美国施加压力要北京政府参加第一次世界大战中协约国一方,日本原来反对中国参战,这时也改变态度,要北京政府对德宣战。1917年3月14日,段取得国会同意立即与德绝交。接着他谋求发表参战声明,但国会以及北洋军阀内部对此意见分歧。4月25日,段召各督军在北京开会,就参战问题取得了一致同意。他得到这个支
持后,向国会施加压力,要求通过参战提案。国会议员愤于段组织的“公民团”的殴辱及段祺瑞向日本借款,要求段祺瑞下台,作为通过参战提案的交换条件。鉴于段显然不再能控制北京政局,5月23日,黎元洪乘机免去段国务总
理之职。

段祺瑞声称黎元洪的举动为非法,乃往天津,决定和支持者们一起以武力驱除黎元洪,重掌北京政府。经段策划,倪嗣冲等北方督军宣布独立,并准备派部队进军北京。段虽对此保持缄默,他的支持者们为得到保皇派张勋的支持,
假装同意张勋复辟清皇的要求。张勋进北京后,6月14日宣布复辟,段却公开谴责,并自任总司令,率曹锟的部队、冯玉祥的十六混成旅和李长泰的第八师,迅速击败张勋,于7月14日开进北京,立即宣布复辟失败,逮捕为首人物,重任国务总理兼陆军总长。7月17日,宣布新内阁名单,阁员除其亲信外,又加上了研究系的梁启超、汤化龙。黎元洪被迫辞职,由冯国璋继任总统。

此时,段祺瑞再没有黎元洪和国会的阻挠,遂得以于1917年8月14日轻而易举地通过了参战宣言。但是在国内事务方面,他却面临许多复杂问题。以他的追随者为主的国会召开时,华南持不同政见的领导人以孙逸仙、陆荣廷、唐继尧为首,在南方成立军政府,举行护法运动,反对段政府。段祺瑞等人主张用武力消灭反对派,统一全国。1917年夏,段任其亲信傅良佐继谭延闿为湖南督军,并调军队进入湖南,准备进犯两广。

段祺瑞武力统一的计划不但受到南方首领,也受到北洋军阀内部的反对。长江一带的冯国璋等人主张和平统一。冯之所以反对,部分原因在于他和段争夺北洋军队的领导权。这种权力之争,使北洋军阀内部形成了以冯国璋为首的
直系和以段祺瑞为首的皖系。1917年秋,段压服湖南、四川的活动遭到失败,冯国璋的支持者通电要求与南方实行和平解决。段对此以辞职退居天津老巢作为回答。

冯国璋及继段任总理的王士珍等人谋求与南方首领举行和平谈判时,段的支持者们会集在他的周围图谋卷土重来。1917年12月3日,段祺瑞手下的人物,由徐树铮召集军事将领在天津开会。三天后,倪嗣冲、张作霖等人联合要
求冯国璋讨伐西南各省。这次显示力量的做法迫使冯作了让步。12月18日,冯任段为参战军督办,段以此加紧对冯施加压力,迫其改变妥协政策,下令对南方继续作战,增派曹锟、张怀芝的部队进入湖北、湖南。1918年2月底,张作霖允以军力支助徐树铮,使段的影响更为增强。3月19日,大部分北洋军阀包括十八名督军联名通电,要冯国璋恢复段的国务总理职务。冯不得不表同意,3月23日,段祺瑞复职。

段在第四次也是最后一次国务总理任内(1918年3月至10日),利用两个强有力的机构实施对北京政府的控制。一个是“督办参战事务处”,负责组织和训练军队,名义是为了派遣军队去欧洲参战,实际上是用来实现武力统一全
国的打算。另一个是“安福俱乐部”,主要是政治活动机构,由徐树铮、王揖唐在1918轩3月7日创立,其目的是影响定于6月举行的国会选举,并操纵这个新机构,以利于实施段祺瑞的政策。

这两个机构的活动,都反映了段政权和日本方面的密切联系。1917—18年间,段政府签订了西原借款的一批协定,日本从中取得中国的不少路权、矿权和其他权益。借款名为发展经济,但大部分用来作为反对南方各省的军费和
安福俱乐部的活动经费。段并以一部分借款扩建新军。在督办参战事务处主持下,中国政府和日本签订秘密军事互助协定,由日本给新建参战军以经费、训练和装备,日本则取得在东北和蒙古驻军之权。通过这些协定,日本在中国的影响达于高峰。

1918年10月10日,徐世昌继段祺瑞的劲敌冯国璋为大总统,冯退出政界。同一天,段为缓和舆论,也辞职了。但是他的权力并未稍减,他通过参战处和安福俱乐部继续操纵北京政府达两年之久。9月28日,他又取得日本借款,资
助中国参加第一次世界大战,大战结束后,他仍扩大参战军。1919年初,南北双方代表在上海举行和平会议,南方代表要求解散参战军,废除与日本订立的军事协定。北京政府为避免对此的指责,于6月29日,改参战处为“督办边防军公署”,以段祺瑞为边防督办,改参战军为“西北边防军",以徐树铮为总司令。由于得到日本的继续支持,西北边防军成为一支强大的武力,引起了一些北洋军阀及西南军人的恐惧。

北京政府不久招致公众的不满。安福俱乐部的专横行为和它操纵的国会声名狼籍。日本军官在训练中国军队中的突出地位以及日本从西原借款所取得的特权,引起了学生的愤慨。巴黎和会中,段政府将德国在山东的特权秘密转让
日本的消息传到国内,触发了学生的愤怒情绪,导致1919年5月学生举行示威游行。但是,对段祺瑞的权力地位更为重要的是,其他北方将领,特别是曹锟及其令人生畏的部下吴佩孚等人所表现的不满。吴佩孚对段祺瑞怨怒日增,不
断批评段的统治,反对他的武力统一政策,反对他秘密借贷日款。同时,徐树铮的势力向外蒙迅速发展,威胁了张作霖的利益,张因此也与段政府发生冲突。

1920年7月,段祺瑞的敌对势力准备采取行动。直系曹锟和奉系张作霖联合,吴佩孚派兵北上。为对付面临的进攻,7月6日,段祺瑞宣布成立“定国军”,由西北边防军的三个师,徐树铮的一个混成旅及北洋第十五师组成。7
月14日,与直军接火,由此爆发了直皖战争。直军得到张作霖部队的支援,在北京南部一些战斗中打败了皖军。五天后,7月19日,徐世昌下令停战,7月28日,接受段祺瑞辞去边防督办之职,并解散了这个机构。翌月,西北边防军
和安福俱乐部也都解散了。

直皖战争使段祺瑞丧失了在北方的霸主地位。鉴于北京政府的有效控制转归敌手,他退居天津,静候了四年,1924年秋又重新上台。那时,吴佩孚失败,曹锟被赶下总统职位,得胜的冯玉祥、张作霖要物色一个人来主持北京政
府。段祺瑞是北洋元老,他虽已无军力,但仍有相当声望,因而是冯、张以及长江流域各省督军可以接受的人物。11月24日他出任北京政府临时执政。

 

北方的军阀,认真地考虑了组织一个什么样的政府以代替信用扫地的曹锟政府。他们摆出要和国民党和解的姿态,由段祺瑞、冯玉祥、张作霖联名请孙逸仙到北京讨论组织政府事宜。孙逸仙主张召开国民会议以决定政府组织。为
了表示和孙的主张相一致,段祺瑞宣布在一个月内召开“善后会议”,两个月后召开国民代表会议。但12月初,当孙逸仙到天津时,段却已将临时政府组织条例加以公布。这就清楚地说明了段祺瑞不愿孙逸仙和国民党干预政府的组
织,及其以后的工作。孙和段关于善后会议组成问题的谈判迅即破裂。段不顾孙逸仙等人的强烈抗议,着手于1925年2月1日召开了没有国民党参加的善后会议,这个善后会议随后又几次开会讨论通过了召开国民会议的组织条例。1925
年春夏之间,段政府装出样子,准备召开国民会议,成立起草新宪法的委员会,规定议员的选举日期。这些措置,都不过是用来安抚舆论的象征性姿态罢了。

1925年秋,冯玉祥、张作霖之争,使段的地位趋于不稳,他觉得他不能同时两面讨好,决定那一边占上风他就站在那一边。1926年4月,段未能取得获胜的张作霖的支持,4月20日辞职去天津日本租界。此后,他信佛念经又资助
贫苦有为的学生。1931年9月,日本占领东北后,不少一度有名的人物被敦促参加华北伪政府。段祺瑞在执政时是亲日派,但这次却拒绝了日本在他身上所打的一切主意。1933年1月,段离开天津去上海,1936年11月2日因胃溃疡死
去。

段祺瑞有两个弟弟:两个儿子,段芝罘(1873—1921)和段芝宣(1874—1927),后者是日本士官学校毕业生,曾在徐世昌东三省总督任内任训练督办。段祺瑞与前妻吴氏于1886年结婚,吴氏于1900年死去,一年后又续娶张姓女子。有
子两人,都活到成年,段宏业生于1887,段宏范生于1918年。

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