Biography in English

Chang Tsung-ch'ang T. Hsiao-k'un 7Jt «*fr Chang Tsung-ch'ang (1881-3 September 1932), military commander, served under Chang Tso-lin (q.v.) from 1922 to 1925. From 1925 to 1928 he was military governor of Shantung province. Born at Chuchiatsun, Yihsien, in Shantung province, Chang Tsung-ch'ang came from undistinguished stock. Both of his parents practiced trades which were socially marginal : his father was a trumpeter and a head-shaver, and his mother was a working witch who was skilled at exorcising evil spirits. At the age of 12, the boy began to accompany his father on the cymbals. In the mid-1890's, perhaps in one of the waves of mass migration from Shantung to southern Manchuria, the poverty-stricken family moved to that area. There Chang found work as a helper in a gambling den in Harbin and began to associate with petty thieves and pickpockets. From juvenile delinquency he graduated to banditry in the countryside of southern Manchuria. As a youth, Chang Tsung-ch'ang was already a tremendous figure of a man, standing well over six feet. Possessing native courage and fighting instincts, he flourished in the tough frontier environment of Manchuria. During the Russo- Japanese war of 1904-5, Chang fought on the side of the Russian forces. Some biographies state that he received a commission as captain in the Imperial Russian Army, but that claim must be viewed with circumspection. Chang's service with the Tsarist forces was brief in any case, and after the Russian defeat he returned to banditry in Manchuria.

By the time of the revolution of 1911, Chang was 30 years of age and an experienced, if irregular, fighting man. His role in the turmoil of the 1911-12 period may have been embellished by his biographers. He reportedly led a small contingent of Manchurian bandits from the Kwantung peninsula to Chefoo in his native Shantung to support the republican cause. Chang later moved to the Shanghai area, where he and his motley contingent were attached to a regiment of the revolutionary forces. When the military phase of the revolt ended, Chang was given command of the regiment. In the subsequent military reorganization undertaken by Ch'eng Te-ch'uan, the military governor of Kiangsu province, Chang Tsung-ch'ang gained regular military status. His unit was transferred to northwestern Kiangsu and was assigned to the task of suppressing bandits; by 1913 Chang had become a divisional commander.

Between 1913 and 1916 Chang Tsung-ch'ang served under the military governor of Kiangsu province, Feng Kuo-chang (q.v.), and gained in rank. After the death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in 1916, Feng moved to Peking in 1917 to assume office as acting president of the government there. Chang Tsung-ch'ang accompanied him as his chief adjutant. From the summer of 1917 until the autumn of 1918, while Feng Kuo-chang was acting president, Chang Tsungch'ang served as superintendent of military education in the ministry of war at Peking. During that period at Peking, Chang was once sent back to Manchuria to perform a mission for Feng Kuo-chang concerning the White Russian forces that had fled to Harbin following the outbreak of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917. Chang also visited Shantung to pay his respects to his parents. He reportedly arrived in his native district at the head of a small caravan of carts loaded with silks, brocades, art objects, and other appurtenances of social status and high living. His return home was less than successful, however, since the local gentry welcomed him only to the extent dictated by political prudence. His mother, who had been sold by his father to a local grain merchant at a time of financial dearth, refused her son's entreaty to return home. Chang Tsung-ch'ang who was loyal to the ties of family and friendship, reportedly viewed her refusal as a matter for lasting regret.

In 1918, Chang returned to active duty in the field. He was assigned to command the 6th Mixed Brigade and was sent south with the Peking forces to campaign against the Constitution Protection Army of the southern regime at Canton. His unit was stationed in Hupeh. He later became a divisional commander and served with his unit in Kiangsi province, probably from 1919 to about 1921, but won no special fame during those years.

A turning point in Chang Tsung-ch'ang's career came in 1922, when he returned to Manchuria to enter the service of Chang Tso-lin. In physical appearance, the two men were very different, for Chang Tso-lin was slight and frail, while Chang Tsung-ch'ang was a veritable bear. However, they shared a common background and viewed the China of the 1920's through similarly cynical eyes. Chang Tsung-ch'ang soon proved himself worthy of trust, acting with dispatch to suppress a revolt against Chang Tsolin at Kirin. He was made Suining defense commissioner. Because of Chang Tsung-ch'ang's earlier Russian associations, Chang Tso-lin gave him responsibility for the White Russian troops then in the Northeast. A considerable number of these anti-Bolshevik troops had remained in the field in Siberia even after the defeat of General Wrangel at Sebastopol in the Crimea in November 1920. The most important pocket of resistance centered around Vladivostok, where the White Russian forces held out for another two years. In November of 1922, all but a few crossed into Manchuria at Hunchun, a town in eastern Kirin where the borders of the Maritime Province of Siberia, Korea, and Manchuria meet. The troops then were disarmed and placed in military camps directed by Chang Tsung-ch'ang.

In the second Fengtien-Chihli war of 1924, Chang Tsung-ch'ang performed yeoman service as commander of the 1st Fengtien Division. Chang was indubitably a fighter, and the men under his command won their battles. His was the first Fengtien unit to enter Tientsin and Peking after the coup by Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.) in October 1924. Chang Tso-lin, with the assistance of Feng, soon won a complete victory over Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.) in north China and pressed forward with plans to extend his authority to the Yangtze valley.

In December 1924 the Peking government dismissed Ch'i Hsieh-yuan from his post as military governor of Kiangsu and appointed Lu Yung-hsiang pacification commissioner of Kiangsu and Anhwei. Chang Tsung-ch'ang was given command of the Fengtien forces, and he andLu Yung-hsiang entered Nanking in January 1925. Ch'i Hsieh-yuan was overthrown, and he left Shanghai for Japan. In February 1925, under the terms of an agreement between Chang Tsung-ch'ang and Sun Ch'uan-fang (q.v.), Lu Yung-hsiang became military governor of Kiangsu. Chang, the dominant Fengtien military figure—with authority over Kiangsu, Anhwei, and Shantung—moved to Hsuchow at the end of March. A month later, in April 1925, he became military governor of Shantung province. Chang Tsung-ch'ang formally assumed that post in June, thus beginning a period of autocratic personal rule. Although Shantung was his native province and he renovated his home village for sentimental reasons, he showed little social consciousness toward his fellow-provincials. His regime in Shantung was characterized by brutality and by extortion designed to support the provincial war chest and to sustain Chang's capacious personal coffers. Many of his advisers were venal and corrupt. He continually recruited fresh troops, and by 1927 his military establishment was estimated to number more than 100,000 men. At the same time, he extracted a substantial personal fortune from the province through such measures as collecting taxes for a decade ahead and levying a multitude of special assessments.

Popular legend had it that Chang Tsungch'ang, during his period of personal rule in Shantung, had san pu-chih [three don't knows] he did not know how much money he had, how many troops he had, or how many women he had in his harem. His military establishment during these years included a force of some 4,000 White Russians, aptly labeled "soldiers of misfortune," who provided a bizarre dimension to the campaigns conducted by Chang during that period. Few mercenaries ever fought for a cause in which they had less direct concern or faced possible death under worse conditions. Chang's military establishment also included a unit composed of several thousand Chinese boys averaging ten years of age, equipped with specially manufactured short rifles. They were commanded by a son of Chang. Chang's personal household included an extensive private harem of some 40 women of a variety of types and nationalities. The majority of the girls reportedly were White Russians, and they sometimes acted as hostesses at Chang's lavish dinner parties. When entertaining foreign guests, Chang would often appear in formal Western dress and preside with monumental aplomb over a festive Westernstyle affair which was graced by European china and crystal, and was enlivened by heroic quantities of French champagne and brandy and by imported cigars.

Despite the admixture of tragedy and comedy which marked his rule in Shantung, Chang Tsung-ch'ang was an important factor in the internecine campaigns of the period, for he possessed a major territorial base. His political position was aligned consistently with that of Chang Tso-lin, and he was directly involved in north and central China. He was a prominent commander in the campaigns of late 1925 and early 1926 in which the Fengtien forces defeated the Kuominchun of Feng Yü-hsiang. When Chang Tso-lin and his victorious armies entered Peking in 1926, Chang Tsung-ch'ang became commander in chief of the Chihli-Shantung Joint Defense Force, and his Shantung troops supplied a part of the garrison force in the ancient capital. There he continued to act with characteristic decisiveness in enforcing social order according to his own tenets. On the grounds that it was guilty of disseminating radical ideas, the newspaper Ching-pao [Peking journal] was closed by Chang, and its editor, Shao P'iao-p'ing (q.v.) was shot. Another newsman, Lin Pai-shui, was executed by Chang because his paper, the She-hui jih-pao [social daily news] of Peking, printed stories which Chang viewed as being derogatory to him. Chiang Monlin (Chiang Meng-lin, q.v.), who was then in Peking, later expressed his personal fear of the "notorious warlord" who had "the physique of an elephant, the brain of a pig, and the temperament of a tiger." Whatever the accuracy of that characterization may have been, it is true that Chang Tsung-ch'ang applied his control policies with determination in the countryside equal to his decisiveness in Peking. In the spring of 1926 his forces conducted a vigorous campaign in Shantung against the rebellious Red Spear Society. And his troops were known in that province for their habits of "opening melons" (splitting skulls) and of adorning telegraph poles with strings of severed human heads as a means of instilling respect for authority.

A major development which threatened the position of the warlords of north China was the launching of the Northern Expedition from Canton in 1 926. When the forces of the National Revolutionary Army penetrated the central Yangtze valley and captured the Wuhan cities in the autumn of 1926, Wu P'ei-fu was forced to withdraw up along the Peking-Hankow railroad into Honan. Chang Tsung-ch'ang was then in the lower Yangtze provinces supporting the position of Sun Ch'uan-fang (q.v.). In February 1927 the two generals established a joint headquarters at Nanking, with Chang Tsung-ch'ang's Chihli-Shantung forces assuming front-line responsibilities. At that juncture, Chang became directly involved in foreign relations. On 28 February 1927 he detained the Russian vessel Pamyat Lenina, which was on its way to Hankow, and seized several Soviet couriers, much propaganda literature, and the wife of Borodin, principal Soviet adviser to the Nationalist government. Chang detained the Soviet citizens and sent them to Tsinan, and it is probable that the intelligence documents he obtained led to Chang Tso-lin's raid of 6 April on the Soviet embassy at Peking.

Meanwhile, the military situation in Honan was steadily deteriorating, and Chang Tsungch'ang went to Hsuchow in early March. By the spring of 1927, Wu P'ei-fu's position had become intolerable: he was pressed from the north and east by the armies of Chang Tso-lin, threatened from the west by Feng Yü-hsiang's advancing forces, and confronted on the south by the Nationalist Eighth Army under T'ang Sheng-chih (q.v.). With the collapse of Wu P'ei-fu's resistance, Chang Tsung-ch'ang and his forces retreated northward; and at the end of May, Chang Tso-lin ordered a general retreat of the Fengtien armies into Chihli and Shantung. In a move designed to stabilize his tottering military structure, Chang Tso-lin in July 1927 reorganized his forces, with Chang Tsung-ch'ang and Sun Ch'uan-fang each assigned to command an army. In August their combined forces again drove southward from Hsuchow. Although they reached the Yangtze, Sun Ch'uan-fang's troops suffered heavy losses in a Nationalist pincers movement, conducted by Li Tsungjen (q.v.), which simultaneously crippled Chang Tsung-ch'ang's position. When that development was followed by more bad news from the western front, Chang became enraged. On 6 November 1927 he executed a number of officers whom he had captured earlier in the year. One of them was Cheng Chen-t'ang, a Kuominchün general who had fallen into Chang's hands during the spring offensive in Honan. It was not unusual for Chang Tsungch'ang to give vent to his anger in this fashion, but that particular execution was to have fatal consequences for him five years later. Chang, with his headquarters at Hsuchow, then came under joint attack from the First Army Group of Ho Ying-ch'in (q.v.) and the Second Army Group of Feng Yü-hsiang. When the First Army Group seized Hsuchow in mid-December, Chang Tsung-ch'ang retreated northward into Shantung.

Another Nationalist drive began in April 1928, with the First Army Group advancing along the Tientsin-Pukow rail line. Chang Tso-lin attempted to stabilize a defense position along the Techow-Paoting line; Chang Tsungch'ang abandoned Tsinan and retreated to the Techow position. In April, the Japanese, citing the need to protect Japanese interests and nationals in Shantung province, landed forces at Tsingtao. A clash occurred between their troops and the advancing Chinese Nationalist forces at the beginning of May {see Ho Yao-tsu). Chiang Kai-shek, who was in Tsinan, desired to avoid a serious clash with the Japanese and, accordingly, withdrew to Hsuchow. But that final gambit could not save the defeated Fengtien- Chihli-Shantung warlord combination. The Fengtien forces abandoned Paoting at the end of May and began a general retreat northward toward Shanhaikuan. When Chang Tso-lin was killed by a bomb explosion near Mukden on 4 June 1928, the principal task facing his successor was evacuation of the coalition forces from north China without further losses. Chang Tso-lin's son, Chang Hsueh-liang (q.v.), succeeded him. The Young Marshal reached an agreement with the Nationalist side for peaceful withdrawal of the Fengtien forces into Manchuria and announced that the war was over. The official Fengtien order for a general withdrawal was issued on 1 1 June 1928. Chang Tsung-ch'ang, whose units were then concentrated in eastern Chihli, delayed in carrying out the order; perhaps he was in connivance with Yang Yu-t'ing (q.v.), who had been Chang Tso-lin's chief of staff. Nationalist forces under the command of Pai Ch'ung-hsi (q.v.) then moved out from Peking against the Fengtien troops, which finally withdrew to Manchuria. In mid-September of 1928 Chang Hsueh-liang in Mukden notified Pai Ch'ung-hsi that he had disarmed the recalcitrant troops and had taken them over for reorganization. That episode was the final chapter in the long and bloody civil struggle between the Nationalists and the loose coalition of Chang Tso-lin, Chang Tsung-ch'ang, and Sun Ch'uan-fang.

Chang Tsung-ch'ang then took up residence at Mukden, where Yang Yu-t'ing was a challenger to the still immature authority of Chang Hsueh-liang. However, when Yang was executed by the Young Marshal in January 1929, Chang Tsung-ch'ang's personal position in the new Manchuria became problematical. Feeling that he was still a power in Chinese politics, he moved to Dairen. Some Japanese considered that Chang Tsung-ch'ang might still prove useful in their struggle against the tide of Chinese nationalism that had swept Chang Tso-lin from power and thereby had threatened their plans to create a special Japanese position in Manchuria and north China. During the first four months of 1929, Chang, with Japanese support, attempted to return to power in Shantung. The Japanese intervention along the Tsinan- Tsingtao railroad line in 1928 had prevented effective Nationalist occupation of northeastern Shantung. In February 1929 Chang Tsungch'ang boarded a Japanese ship at Dairen and sailed for Lungkow. Upon arrival in Shantung, he promptly assumed command and attempted to mobilize disaffected conservative elements in north China. In Tokyo, Premier Tanaka at the beginning of March characterized the reports that there was a secret understanding between Chang Tsung-ch'ang and Japan as being "absolutely without the least foundation." Some measure of Japanese involvement seemed clear, and, in any event, Chang Tsung-ch'ang's attempted comeback was short-lived. By April his units had been forced into disorderly retreat, and on 23 April 1929 Chang himself embarked again for Dairen. The Japanese authorities permitted him to stop in Dairen only long enough to change clothes and to select two favorite girls from his harem. He then went to Japan, where he took up residence at the hot springs resort of Beppu. Chang lived thereafter under the Japanese flag, except for occasional trips back to China.

At the beginning of September 1932, Chang Tsung-ch'ang left Peiping to return to his native Shantung, which then was ruled by Han Fu-chü (q.v.), for the announced and conventional purpose of "sweeping the ancestral graves." Accompanied by a large retinue, he arrived at Tsinan on 2 September. Although the evidence is conflicting, one plausible hypothesis is that Chang was planning to reassert his position in Shantung politics, with the support of Han Fu-chü. When a meeting at Tsinan failed to take place because a former subordinate officer did not appear, Chang Tsung-ch'ang sensed possible danger to himself. He then announced that he had just received an urgent telegram stating that his mother was ill and that he must return immediately to Peking. On 3 September 1932, as Chang was saying farewell to Shih Yusan and other notables in his private car a few minutes before the train was scheduled to depart, he was assassinated. The killer was Cheng Chi-ch'eng, the nephew and adopted son of the Kuominchün cavalry division commander Cheng Chen-t'ang, who had been executed by Chang Tsung-ch'ang in 1927. Cheng Chi-ch'eng had sworn at his foster father's graveside that he would avenge his murder. Cheng was imprisoned for the killing but was granted a special pardon at the end of seven months.

Chang Tsung-ch'ang generally has been pictured as being the prototype of the "bad" warlord of early republican China. Descriptions of Chang almost invariably endow him with an ample share of the shortcomings which are conventionally attributed to his type and to his era. Since the descriptions are highly seasoned with prejudice and cliches, it is difficult to separate the man from the myth. He may be viewed as one who lived his life in a milieu where both physical survival and practical success depended upon realism, force, violence, and manipulation. Nothing in his early years would tend to produce a sentimental view of the human species in him ; nothing in his later career altered his conviction of the central importance ofpower in human affairs. To Chang Tsung-ch'ang, public power was based on personal control over territory, money, and military units, and private power was based on personal control over material objects and human beings. Chang Tsung-ch'ang is best remembered in China by the popular appellation given him by the men of Shantung, the kou-jou chiang-chun [dogmeat general]. It is perhaps fitting that Chang is principally known in the West through the caricature by Lin Yü-t'ang (q.v.), "In Memoriam the Dog-Meat General," which appeared in Lin's book With Love and Irony in 1940.

Biography in Chinese

张宗昌
字:效坤
张宗昌(1881—1932.9.3),军事统领,1922—25年为张作霖部下,1925—1928年山东省督军。
张宗昌生在山东掖县祝家庄,出身于一个平庸家庭,他父母从事社会下层的行业,父亲是吹鼓手和剃头匠,母亲是一个召神呼鬼的巫婆。张宗昌十二岁时随父亲打铳钹。十九世纪九十年代中,贫穷的张家可能是在一次大批移民的热潮中由山东去南满。张宗昌在哈尔滨一个赌窟当抢手,因此结识了一批小偷扒手。起先他是一个少年惯犯,以后成了南满村落里的土匪。
青年时,张宗昌体魄魁梧身长逾六尺,他敢作敢为,生性好斗,经常出没在满洲艰苦的边地环境之中。1904—1905年日俄战争期间,他曾参加俄军作过战,有些传记作者说他曾在帝俄军队中当过队长,但对此种说法应持慎重态度。无论如何,张宗昌在沙皇部队为时极短,俄国失败后,他又到满洲当土匪了。
1911年革命时,张宗昌年已三十,虽未经正规训练,但他对打仗已颇有经验了。有关他在1911—1912年动乱时期的活动,撰写他的传记作者可能加以渲染夸大,说他带了一小股土匪从关东半岛渡海到烟台,在他本省山东支援共和革命,以后又去上海,他带领的一股杂牌部队编入了革命军的一个团,在革命的军事行动结束时,他被任命为团长。接着江苏督军程德全改编部队,张宗昌才获得正规军衔。他的原部调往江苏西北打土匪,1913年任师长。
1913—1916年期间,张宗昌隶属江苏督军冯国璋部下,屡有递升。1916年袁世凯死去,1917年冯国璋去北京任代总统,张宗昌为侍从武官长。1917年夏至1918年秋,冯国璋任代总统期间,张宗昌在北京陆军部任军事教育总监。
张宗昌在北京期间,一度回满洲为冯国璋处理1917年布尔塞维克革命后逃往哈尔滨的白俄军队。他又回到山东探望父母,有一小队大车随行,满载绸缎、工艺品和其他高级生活用品。但他此行并不顺利,本地乡绅仅出于政治上谨慎考虑而欢迎他。他母亲被他父亲在经济竭厥时卖给了一个米商,这次竟拒绝他儿子进门。张宗昌重视家庭感情,他母亲拒不会见是他终身憾事。
1918年,张宗昌又上战场,统率第六混成旅和北京政府所属部队一起去南方征讨广州南方政府的护法军,他的部臥驻在湖北,后来成为师长,大概1919年到1921年,他的部队驻在江西,这几年中,他并无显赫功绩。
1922年是张宗昌生涯中的转折点,他去满洲投效张作霖。从外表上看,他们两人迥然不同,张作霖矮小瘦弱,而张宗昌貌似笨熊。但是他们的出身相同而又以相似的愤嫉目光来观察二十年代的中国。张宗昌受到信任,为张作霖镇压了反对张作霖的吉林兵变,被任为绥宁镇守使。张宗昌从前曾与俄国人打过交道,所以张作霖交他负责东北的白俄军队。自1920年瓦伦将军在克里米亚塞瓦斯托波尔失败后,仍有不少反布尔塞维克军留在西伯利亚,争夺的要塞地区在海参崴,那里白俄军势力继续顽据了两年之久。1922年11月,为数不多的白俄军进入吉林东部的珲春。珲春在满洲、朝鲜、西伯利亚交界处,白俄军被张宗昌缴械投入军营。
1924年第二次直奉战争中,他是奉军第一师师长担任后援任务。张宗昌无疑是一个能打仗的人,他指挥的部队常能取胜。他的部队是1924年10月冯玉祥兵变后开入天津、北京的第一支奉军。张作霖由于冯玉祥的支持在华北战胜了吴佩孚,接着实行其向长江流域推进的计划。
1924年12月,北京政府免除江苏督军齐燮元,任卢永祥为苏皖宣抚使。1925年1月,张宗昌统率奉军和卢永祥一起进入南京。齐燮元倒台后离上海去日本。1925年2月,张宗昌和孙传芳商定,以卢永祥为江苏督军。张宗昌这个奉军的显要人物,已据有苏皖鲁三省地盘,8月底,移驻徐州。一个月后即1925年4月,他就任山东省督军。
6月,张宗昌正式就职,这就开始了他专横的个人统治时期。山东是他的原籍,出于乡土感情,略有改革,但他对本省同胞毫无社会责任感。残忍野蛮、敲诈勒索是他统治山东的特点,他横征暴敛以支持省里的军费和他个人的巨额费用。他手下许多人都贪污腐化。他不断招兵买马,到1927年兵额达到十万人之多。同时,他通过税收预征到十多年之久以及大量的苛捐杂税等办法,积聚了他私人的大笔财产。
张宗昌在山东的个人统治期间,民间传说他的“三不知”:不知钱财有多少,不知军队有多少,不知小老婆有多少。他部队里有一支四千多名的白俄军,人们称之为“祸军”,张宗昌在那个时期指挥的战斗中,白俄军是一支异乎寻常的力量,在十分险恶的环境中作战,这些雇佣军既无所顾虑,也不顾死活。张宗昌的部队里还有几千名十岁左右的儿童军,他们挂着特制的短步枪,由张宗昌的儿子指挥。张宗昌的家里拥有四十多名很多国籍和各种类型的妇女当小老婆,据说大多数是白俄妇女,有时候她们在张宗昌大摆宴席时作为女主人出场。当宴请外国客人时,张宗昌经常身穿西服,他仪表非凡地主持西方式喜庆宴会,宴会上使用的餐具是欧洲的瓷器和水晶玻璃器皿,席上摆满法国的香槟、白兰地以及进口的雪茄烟。
尽管张宗昌在山东的统治是悲剧和丑剧的混合物。但他占有极大地盘,因此在这期间的互相残杀中,他据有重要地位。他在政治上和张作霖密切关联,因此直接参与华北、华中的事件。1925年底、1926年初,奉军击败冯玉祥国民军中,张宗昌是一个突出的军事统领。1926年张作霖和他的获胜部队进据北京,张宗昌任直鲁联军总司令,他的山东部队是组成北京卫戍部队的一个部分,在北京他仍然按照他自己维持社会秩序的意志,作出独特的决定行事。他以传布过激思想的罪名封闭《京报》,枪决该报主编邵飘萍。另有一个新闻界人士林白水,因在主办的《社会日报》上刊登的小说被张宗昌认为是对他的侮辱,被张处死。蒋梦麟当时在北京,他曾表示对这个“罪恶昭彰的军阀”的畏惧,说他“体如大象,脑如笨猪,性如猛虎”。不管这些论断是否确切,但张宗昌在北京采取的统治办法和他在乡间采用的办法一样。1926年春,他的部队在山东对红枪会的叛乱发动了一场激烈的战斗。在他本省,张宗昌的军队惯用“开瓜”(劈开脑壳)、在电线杆上挂了一串串死人脑袋作为维持统治权力的手段。
对北方军阀最大的威胁是1926年从广州出发的北伐。1926年秋,国民革命军进入长江中游占领武汉,吴佩孚的军队沿京汉路撤到河南。张宗昌当时在长江下游支援孙传芳。1927年2月,这两个将军在南京设联合司令部,张宗昌的直鲁联军守卫第一线。在那个时候,张宗昌直接卷入了对外交涉。1927年2月28日,他扣留了驶往汉口的俄国船只“潘姆亚•列宁娜”方号,逮捕几名苏联信使和国民政府主要顾问鲍罗庭的夫人,虏获了一批宣传品。张宗昌把逮捕的苏联公民解送到济南,可能是由于他虏获的情报材料,促使张作霖于4月6日袭劫北京苏联使馆。
当时,河南的战局逐渐恶化,8月初,张宗昌去徐州。1927年春,吴佩孚的处境岌岌可危,北面东面有张作霖的部队压来,西面受到冯玉祥的挺进部队威胁,南面有唐生智的国民革命军第八军对峙。吴佩孚一败退,张宗昌的部队向北撤退,5月底,张作霖下令将奉军撤到河北、山东。
张作霖为了挽救他那摇摇欲坠的军事机构,1927年7月改编军队,张宗昌、孙传芳各率一军。8月,他们又联合从徐州向南出击,虽然他们到达长江流域,但孙传芳的部队在国民革命军李宗仁指挥的钳形进攻下遭受重大伤亡,同时打击了张宗昌部的战斗力。当时,西线又传来更坏的消息,张宗昌大为恼怒,1927年11月6日,他处决了一批年初被他拘捕的军官,其中有国民军将领郑金声,郑是在河南的春季攻势中被张宗昌俘虏的。这原是张泄私愤的惯用手法,但处决郑金声却在五年后给他带来了致命的后果。以徐州为司令部的张宗昌,受到何应钦第一集团军和冯玉祥第二集团军的联合攻击。12月中旬,第一集团军攻占徐州,张宗昌向北撤退到山东。
1928年4月,国民革命军又发起进攻,第一集团军沿津浦路挺进,张作霖准备在德州、保定一线设防,张宗昌弃济南撤往德州。4月,日军在青岛登陆,声称保护日本在山东的利益和侨民。5月初,日军和正在挺进中的国民革命军之间发生冲突。当时蒋介石在济南,他为了避免和日本发生严重冲突,当即把部队撤退到徐州。但是这一最后机缘并不能挽救奉直鲁军阀联盟的失败,5月底,奉军放弃保定向山海关全面撤退。1928年6月4日,张作霖在沈阳附近被炸身死,留给他继承人的重任是:为了避免进一步遭受损失,只能把联军从华北撤走。
张学良继承了他父亲张作霖。这位少帅和国民革命军达成协议,奉军平安撤至满洲,并宣告战争结束。1928年6月11日奉军正式下令全面撤军,当时张宗昌的部队集中在冀东,拖延执行撤军命令,也许是张作霖的总参谋长杨宇霆默许而有意延搁。白崇禧率国民革命军由北京出击奉军,奉军终于被迫撤至满洲。1928年9月中旬,张学良在沈阳通知白崇禧,他已将违令部队解散改编。这是国民革命军和张作霖、张宗昌、孙传芳这个松弛的联盟间长期流血内战的最后一幕。
张宗昌留在沈阳,那里杨宇霆是经验不足的张学良的对手。1929年1月,杨宇霆被少帅处决,张宗昌在新满洲的地位也成问题了。他自认为在中国政界他还有势力,就迁往大连去了。国民革命的潮流驱走了张作霖,从而威胁日本在满洲、华北建立特殊地位的计划,某些日本人认为在他们反对中国国民革命的活动中,张宗昌还可以加以利用,1929年头四个月中,张宗昌在日本的支持下,力谋恢复在山东的地位。
1928年日本沿胶济路进行干涉,阻止国民革命军进据鲁东北,1929年2月,张宗昌趁日本船由大连到龙口。他一到山东,马上纠集旧部,游说那些心怀不满的华北一带的顽固势力。3月初,田中总理大臣在东京对关于张宗昌和日本之间有秘密谅解的报导表示“无丝毫根据”。日本进行干预的蛛丝马迹是很明显的。张宗昌返回山东为期不长,4月间,他的部队狼狈撤走,1929年4月23日他自己也乘船回大连去了。日方只准他在大连作极短暂逗留,只容他换一下服装并从他妻妾中挑选两个小老婆,然后即去日本,住在别府温泉。他在日本旗下栖身,偶尔回中国。
1932年9月初,张宗昌借口扫墓由北京回山东老家,那时山东在韩复榘统治下。他带着大批随从于9月2日到济南。情况虽复杂,但有一种似乎有理的假设,即是他准备在韩复榘扶持下在山东政界重新上台。原定在济南举行的一次会议,因为他的一个老部下未到而未开成,张宗昌感到可能对他有危险,于是他声称收到急电,因母病危即需赶回北京。1932年9月8日,在火车临出站前几分钟,他在专车中和石友三等要人告别时,突然遇刺。刺客郑继成,系国民军骑兵师长郑金声的侄儿和过继嗣子,郑金声在1927年被张宗昌处死,郑继成曾在他的义父墓前发誓必报此仇。郑继成因刺杀张宗昌被捕入狱,但七个月后他获特赦释放。
普遍地把张宗昌描述成是民国初年一个“坏”军阀的典型。张宗昌被描绘成具备了他所处时代的种种丑相。由于这种描绘带有浓厚的偏见和陈词滥调。因此他的真情和传说极难区分。可以把他看成是这样一个人,他的一生是靠实用、强权、暴力和欺诈求得生存和发迹的。在他的早年生活,没有任何力量可以使他对人类产生感情;在他后期的生涯中,没有任何力量可以改变他的信念,那就是人生最重要的是权力。对张宗昌来说,社会的权力就是基于个人握有地盘、金钱和军队,私人的权力就是握有财产和人。山东的人们称张宗昌为“狗肉将军”,张宗昌在中国很出名。张宗昌为西方人所知也许主要是通过林语堂用讽刺笔调写的《狗肉将军回忆记》,这篇文章载于1940年出版的林语堂著《爱情和讽刺》一书中。

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