Biography in English

Cheng Hsiao-hsü (2 April 1860-28 March 1938), Manchu loyalist and assistant to P'u-yi (q.v.), was a prime mover in the creation of Manchoukuo. He served as premier at Hsinking (Changchun) from 1932 to 1935.

Although his ancestral home was Minhou, Fukien, Cheng Hsiao-hsü was born in Soochow. His father, Cheng Shou-lien (T. Chung-lien), was a chin-shih of 1852. Cheng received his early education in the Chinese classics and obtained the chü-jen degree in 1882. In 1885 Cheng entered the secretariat of the governor general of Chihli (Hopei), Li Hungchang (ECCP, I, 464-71), at Tientsin. Four years later he passed the examination given for secretaries of the Grand Secretariat; in 1890, presumably while awaiting appointment, he taught at the Bordered Red Banner School at Peking. In 1891, on entering the Chinese diplomatic service, he was assigned to Tokyo as secretary of legation. He later served as consul at Tokyo and as consul general at Kobe and Osaka. He returned to China after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1894.

Cheng Hsiao-hsü then entered the secretariat of another leading Chinese statesman of the period, Chang Chih-tung (ECCP, I, 27-32), at Nanking. When Chang went to Peking in 1895 to head the Board of Education, Cheng accompanied him. Chang Chih-tung was known for his readiness to assist worthy and promising scholars, and in 1898 he recommended that Cheng be granted an imperial audience. After the audience, Cheng was appointed a secretary in the Tsungli Yamen at Peking. That was the year of the Hundred Days Reform (see K'ang Yu-wei). When the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi intervened to check the reform movement, incarcerated the emperor, and took control of the government herself, Cheng Hsiao-hsü resigned his post at Peking and went to Wuchang to take a position in the secretariat of the governor general of Hunan-Hupeh. In 1899 he was appointed head of the southern section of the Peking-Hankow railroad and director of the railroad school at Hankow. He remained in central China until 1903. Ts'en Ch'un-hsuan (q.v.), governor general of Kwangtung-Kwangsi, then recommended Cheng's appointment as commissioner of border defense in Kwangsi, to be stationed at Lungchou. Cheng Hsiao-hsü served there until 1905. At that time the southwestern border of Kwangsi was a bandit-infested area, and because it was adjacent to French Indo-China it required a commissioner who was both alert and discreet. Cheng went to his new post in Kwangsi with 3,000 Hupeh soldiers and succeeded in bringing comparative peace and order to the area. His experience in Kwangsi brought him pride and self-confidence. From 1905 to 1908 Cheng was associated with a number of enterprises in Shanghai. He served as director of the Kiangnan Arsenal and as a member of the board of directors of both the Commercial Press and the Shanghai Savings Bank. In 1907 he was appointed to provincial posts in Anhwei and then in Kwangtung, but he did not wish to serve under the empress dowager and refused both positions. After her death in November 1908, Cheng went to Mukden at the invitation of Hsi-liang, the governor general of the Three Eastern Provinces, to assist in planning the construction of the projected Chinchow-Aigun railroad and of the harbor at Hulutao. In connection with that task, he became associated with Sheng Hsuan-huai (q.v.), who had returned to prominence at Peking in the ministry of posts and communications; T'ang Shao-yi (q.v.), the governor of Fengtien province; and Willard Straight, the American consul general at Mukden. Cheng negotiated the preliminary agreement under which the proposed rail line was to be financed by the United States and constructed by a British engineering firm, but the project collapsed in 1910 as a result of Russian and Japanese pressure on the Peking government. In 1911 Cheng was appointed civil governor of Hunan province. Shortly after assuming that post, he was ordered to Peking for consultation. Before he could return to Changsha, it had been lost to the republican revolutionaries. After the abdication in February 1912 of the Hsuan-t'ung emperor, P'u-yi (q.v.), Cheng Hsiao-hsü resigned from official service. Although he was deeply opposed to the revolutionaries and their programs, he contended that the 1911 catastrophe had been caused by the misgovernment of the empress dowager.

In effect, Cheng Hsiao-hsü never recognized the Republic of China. From 1912 to 1923 he made his home in Shanghai, living quietly in retirement in a house which he named the Haits'ang-lou. He devoted himself to reading Chinese history, writing poetry, and improving his calligraphy. He held occasional literary gatherings, but took no part in politics. Yuan Shih-k'ai and Li Yuan-hung (qq.v.) invited him to accept positions in the government at Peking, but he refused. Monarchist though he was, he took no part in the restoration attempt of Chang Hsün (q.v.) in 1917.

Only when the man whom he still regarded as the ruler of China, P'u-yi, summoned him to Peking in late 1923 did Cheng Hsiao-hsü, then over 60, emerge from seclusion to begin a second career. P'u-yi, who retained the title of emperor, desired Cheng's assistance in ridding his imperial household of corruption. Cheng accepted the assignment, and early in 1924 he took up his new post as minister of the imperial household at Peking, with the mission of bringing order to P'u-yi's establishment. The year, designated chia-tzu by the Chinese lunar calendar, was regarded as being auspicious for that undertaking. One matter requiring attention at that time was the removal of P'u-yi's court from the Forbidden City in Peking to the Summer Palace, as had been provided in the Articles of Favorable Treatment drawn up at the time of his abdication. Preparations for that move were begun, but Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.) occupied Peking in October 1924, forced P'u-yi to leave the Forbidden City, and effectively destroyed the 1912 Articles of Favorable Treatment. Cheng Hsiao-hsü and Sir Reginald Johnston, P'u-yi's tutor-counselor, arranged for P'u-yi's escape into the Legation Quarter in Peking, where he was given refuge in the Japanese legation. In February 1925 P'u-yi, traveling incognito, went by rail from Peking to Tientsin, where he took up residence in the Japanese concession. These moves had been made with the acquiescence of Cheng Hsiao-hsu's friend and admirer Tuan Ch'i-jui (q.v.), who was then in power at Peking.

From 1925 to 1932, Cheng Hsiao-hsü continued to serve P'u-yi, now officially deprived of his imperial title, as counselor and adviser at Tientsin. The three advisers in P'u-yi's entourage who were then most influential were Cheng Hsiao-hsü, Lo Chen-yu (q.v.), and Ch'en Paoch'en (1848-1935). They often disagreed, and Cheng Hsiao-hsü and Lo Chen-yu, in particular, had long vied for preeminence. During the summer of 1928 Cheng began to feel that P'uyi's cause might be assisted more directly by the Japanese than by the Chinese Nationalists, who had arrived in north China and had seized Peking. In August 1928 Cheng and his eldest son, Cheng Ch'ui (1887-1933; T. Jang-yü), visited Japan, where they met with representatives of the Japanese general staff and the Black Dragon Society. Reportedly, his Japanese hosts compared Cheng Hsiao-hsü with Shen Pao-hsu, who, in the period of the warring states in ancient China, had successfully restored the state of Ch'u. Cheng demurred at the comparison, but broached the matter of the restoration of the Chinese emperor. Cheng reportedly returned to Tientsin satisfied with his mission, and the informal conversations led to more detailed planning during the months that followed. In February 1931 Cheng Hsiao-hsü returned to Shanghai long enough to sell his beloved residence, Hai-ts'ang-lou.

In the summer of 1931 P'u-yi and his advisers at Tientsin were informed indirectly that the Japanese regarded the rule of Chang Hsuehliang (q.v.) in Manchuria as unsatisfactory. The Mukden Incident of September 1931 that marked the beginning of the Japanese military occupation of Manchuria thus had special significance for P'u-yi. Private discussions between P'u-yi's staff, Japanese representatives, and Chinese supporters of P'u-yi continued. In November 1931, Doihara Kenji, head of the secret service organization of the Japanese Kwangtung Army, visited P'u-yi to assure him that the Japanese military action in Manchuria had been directed solely against Chang Hsueh-liang and to discuss the possibility of establishing an independent, monarchical Manchurian state to be headed by P'u-yi. Cheng Hsiao-hsü favored the Japanese proposal; Ch'en Pao-ch'en and others opposed it. In the end, P'u-yi followed Cheng Hsiao-hsu's advice. On 10 November 1931, P'u-yi, accompanied by Cheng Hsiao-hsü and Cheng Ch'ui, secretly left Tientsin, boarded a Japanese ship, and went to southern Manchuria, where the party took up residence at Port Arthur. Cheng Hsiao-hsü undertook the trip with high hopes and composed a special poem in honor of the occasion.

Cheng Hsiao-hsu's support of the restoration plan originally had been motivated by the idea of utilizing Japan's strength to establish a foothold in Manchuria. The long-range objective was to reestablish the imperial dynasty at Peking. Doihara reportedly conceded in the Tientsin negotiations that both the former dynastic name and the reign title might be used. Nevertheless, the Japanese had their own national interests clearly in mind when persuading P'u-yi and his supporters to make the trip to Manchuria. It soon became clear that the agreements made by Doihara were not to be carried out fully. Disagreement among Cheng Hsiao-hsü, his fellow Chinese, and the Japanese with regard to the status of P'u-yi occupied the winter months of 1931. Terms were finally reached in February 1932, and the new state of Manchoukuo came into existence on 1 March 1932. On 9 March 1932, after having been invited the conventional three times to head the new state, P'u-yi graciously accepted. He was not made emperor, however, but was granted the title of chief executive, which Tuan Ch'i-jui had used at Peking a decade earlier. As anticipated, Cheng Hsiao-hsu, then over 70, became premier of the new government at the capital city of Hsinking (Changchun). For a short period Cheng was also minister of war; he later served as minister of education and culture. When the Japan-Manchoukuo Cultural Association was formed in 1933, he became its first president.

The major legal act of Cheng Hsiao-hsu's official career in Manchoukuo took place on 15 September 1932. On that date Cheng and Muto Nobuyoshi, who was governor general of the Kwantung Leased Territory, commander of the Kwantung Army, and Japanese ambassador to Manchoukuo, signed a protocol of recognition and a treaty of mutual assistance. By the protocol, Japan recognized Manchoukuo as an independent state "organized in accordance with the free will of its inhabitants," and Manchoukuo extended recognition, and also agreed to respect, existing Japanese public and private rights and interests within its jurisdiction. It was further agreed that Japan and Manchoukuo would cooperate for purposes of national security. It was not until 1 March 1934 that P'u-yi was enthroned as emperor of Manchoukuo. The Manchuria Daily News of Dairen noted that that development had been largely the work of Cheng Hsiao-hsu. Cheng, the paper stated, had finally achieved "the creation of a monarchy when it seemed that monarchs had been forever ousted from China." Those who had followed the story of P'u-yi's progress to the throne of Manchoukuo, the paper added, recognized that Cheng Hsiao-hsu had been the man behind the scenes, "a Wolsey with a brighter destiny, a Richelieu whose statesmanship has blended with swordsmanship and poetry." In his official capacity as premier of Manchoukuo, Cheng made a visit to Japan from 24 March to 24 April 1934. A little over a year later, at the end of 1 years of service to the man whom he viewed as the rightful sovereign of China, Cheng resigned his post on 21 May 1935.

Cheng Hsiao-hsu always maintained his personal integrity, and none could question the sincerity of his purpose. He had consistently worked for the independence of Manchoukuo and toward reestablishing the authority of his emperor. Reportedly, he contended often with the Japanese in council and even rejected proposals by the Kwantung Army. However, the government of Manchoukuo was constituted to give Japan the deciding voice in the affairs of the region. As early as mid- 1932, Cheng Ch'ui, whose views apparently followed those of his father, was forced by Japanese pressure to resign from his post as chief secretary in the premier's office. When Cheng Ch'ui died in the South Manchurian Railway Hospital at Mukden in 1933, Chinese observers were quick to suggest that perhaps his death had not been due to natural causes. Cheng Hsiao-hsu himself is said to have been the target of Japanese threats in late 1932.

Manchoukuo had two reign periods: Tat'ung, from 1932 to 1933 when P'u-yi was chief executive; and K'ang-te, which began in March 1934 when P'u-yi was installed as emperor. Ta-t'ung is, of course, to be identified with the ideal Confucian world of one great unified state. K'ang-te, meaning "the virtue of maintaining regional peace," apparently was intended to symbolize a retrogression, since the three stages outlined in the traditional Ch'uncKin tso-chuan [Tso's commentary on the spring and autumn annals] were the age of decay and disorder, the age of limited peace, and then the age of great unified peace. The sequence of the reign names suggests that the first high hopes had been abandoned for the compromised reality that was the puppet state of Manchoukuo. The nomenclature derived naturally from Cheng Hsiao-hsu's political philosophy, and he is the person most likely to have selected the nam After his retirement from office, Cheng Hsiao-hsu visited Peking in 1937. He reportedly prepared a home for himself in Peking and planned to move there to live quietly, but the Japanese suggested that it would be inadvisable for the first prime minister of Manchoukuo to live outside the boundaries of that state. Cheng returned to Hsinking, where he died on 28 March 1938 at the age of 79 sui. Chang Chinghui, the man who had succeeded him as premier of Manchoukuo, stated that the empire had lost its greatest figure. Official Japanese statements in Tokyo declared that the services which Cheng Hsiao-hsü had rendered in realizing "the principle of the oneness in spirit and virtue" between Japan and Manchoukuo would occupy a prominent place in history. Cheng was given a state funeral, and P'u-yi, then the K'ang-te emperor, awarded him posthumously the Grand Order of Merit with Grand Cordon of Orchid. That decoration had been awarded only once before, to General Honjo Shigeru, chief of the Kwantung Army.

The central concept of Cheng Hsiao-hsu's political philosophy was still the conventional Confucian wang-tao, or kingly way. That concept had been revived in China in the late nineteenth century to counter aggressive Western influences, and it was revived by the Japanese to counter aggressive Chinese nationalism and Communism. Cheng, like Lo Chen-yu and other Chinese loyalists, essentially was concerned with the restoration of the Manchu dynasty as ruler of a revived Chinese empire. It was their fate to find themselves in a Japanese-controlled puppet government as the Far East moved toward the Second World War.

Cheng Hsiao-hsü followed a strict personal regimen throughout his life, preserved his physical vigor into his later years, and looked much younger than he was. He normally rose long before dawn, spent an hour in t'ai-chich'uan exercises, wrote poetry or read history while sipping Chinese tea, and ate a frugal breakfast of rice gruel. At about six in the morning, he undertook the day's work. Because of his habits, one of his studios was named the Yeh-ch'i-an [night riser's studio]. Sir Reginald Johnston in 1932 described Cheng Hsiao-hsü as "a man of fine character and unimpeachable integrity," as "undoubtedly one of the most learned and accomplished men of his generation in China, and . . . also perhaps the most distinguished of living Chinese poets." Cheng's collection of his early poems, the Halts''ang-lou shih [poems written at Hai-ts'ang-lou], was first published in 1902; later editions appeared in 1914 and 1938. Cheng's poetry, written in the classical style, resembled that composed by Ch'en San-li (q.v.). Cheng wrote prefaces for two collections of Ch'en San-li's poetry, published in 1909 and 1922. Cheng Hsiao-hsu's talents included calligraphy as well as poetry, and his calligraphy was considered outstandingly good. However, Cheng's classical accomplishments and personal integrity have been obscured by political criticism because of his intimate connection with Manchoukuo.

Biography in Chinese

郑孝胥
字:苏戡、太夷 号:海藏
郑孝胥(1860.4.2—1938.3.28),满清忠臣,溥仪的辅助,建立满洲国的主要鼓动者。1932—1935年在新京(长春)任总理大臣。
他原籍福建闽侯,但本人出生在苏州。他父亲郑守廉是1852年进士,郑孝胥早年受旧式教育,1882年中举人。
1885年,郑孝胥在天津入直隶总督李鸿章幕府。四年后,入六部内阁,1890年因候缺在镶红旗满族学校教书。1891年后,进入外交界,任东京使馆秘书,后升为东京领事,又先后任神户、大阪总领事。1894年中日战争爆发后回国。
郑孝胥后在南京入另一个中国政治领袖张之洞幕府,1895年张之洞去北京任学部大臣,郑孝胥随同前往。张之洞礼贤下士,1898年推荐郑孝胥觐见。觐见后,即授为总理衙门章京,那正是百日维新的时候。慈禧镇压了维新运动,囚禁光绪,亲自执政,郑孝胥辞退去武昌入两湖总督幕府。1899年任京汉铁路南段督办,兼汉口铁路学堂校长。他在华中一直任职到1903年。两广总督岑春煊任郑孝胥为广西边防大臣驻龙州,任职至1905年。那时,广西西南边地常有匪警,而且地近法属印度支那,出任大臣需要有机警谨慎的才能。郑孝胥率领三千鄂军到任,在他治下,该地区尚称安定,郑孝胥对此颇为自诩。
1905—1908年间,郑孝胥参与了上海的一些工商业,任江南兵工厂经理,商务印书馆、上海储蓄银行董事。1907年授安徽按察使,因不甘为慈禧效劳而未就任。1908年11月,慈禧死后,郑孝胥应东三省总督锡良之聘去沈阳筹建锦爱铁路和葫芦岛海港。由此,他结识了在北京很有名望的邮传大臣盛宣怀,奉天巡抚唐绍仪,沈阳美国总领事司戴德。初次议定,锦爱铁路由美国出资,英国工程公司承建。但由于俄日两国对北京政府施加压力而该计划于1910年失败。1911年任湖南都督,他上任不久又被召回北京咨询,但当他重回长沙之前,长沙已为革命军占据。1912年2月宣统皇帝溥仪退位,郑孝胥亦辞去官职,虽然他对革命及其主张十分反对,但他认为1911年的灾难是由慈禧的弊政所致。
实际上,郑孝胥从不承认民国。自1912年起到1923年,他安然退居在上海,名其寓所为海藏楼,每日读史吟诗写字。他偶与文友相会,但不谈政治。袁世凯、黎元洪曾先后邀他去北京任职,均拒而未受。他虽是一个保皇党,但未参与张勋的复辟之举。
他一直认溥仪是中国的统治者,1923年底召他去北京,他奉命前往,那时他已年过六十,又从蛰居的生活中出来开始他的第二度经历。当时,溥仪尚保有帝号,希望郑孝胥协助他经管那个溃散的皇室,郑孝胥于1924年初在北京受命为内务府大臣,为溥仪传达谕旨。当年恰逢甲子,他们认为这是一个吉兆。
那年,溥仪依退位优待条例从紫禁城移居颐和园。正在准备移居之际,1924年10月,冯玉祥进据北京实际上破坏了1912年优待条例,迫使溥仪迁离紫禁城。郑孝胥和溥仪的家庭教师庄士敦,安排他逃入北京使馆区,在日本公使馆躲避。1925年2月,溥仪在日本公使芳泽谦吉等的筹划下,化装趁火车由北京到天津,避居日本租界。这些活动都得到半时在北京执政的段祺瑞的默许,段是郑孝胥的朋友,也是郑孝胥所崇拜的人物。
从1925年到1932年,郑孝胥在天津当溥仪的“顾问”,那时溥仪的帝号也被正式剥夺了。随从溥仪作顾问的有三个人:郑孝胥、罗振玉和陈宝琛,他们经常意见不合,尤其郑、罗两人一直争出风头。1928年夏,郑孝胥感觉到溥仪的事业不能依靠已抵达华北并进据北京的国民党势力,而需要有日本的直接帮助。1928年,8月,郑孝胥和他的大儿子郑垂去日本,会见了日本总参谋部和黑龙会的代表。据说,日本主子把郑孝胥比作中国古代战国时谋复楚国的申包胥,郑孝胥虽反对这种比拟,但实际上鼓吹恢复中国皇帝溥仪的职位。据说,郑孝胥满意地回到天津,这次非正式的谈判促使此后几个月里进行的详细规划。1931年2月,郑孝胥回到离开很久的上海售让了他所珍爱的寓所海藏楼。
1931年夏,在天津有人间接告知溥仪及其顾问人员说,日方对张学良在满洲的统治表示不满。1931年9月沈阳事变开始了日本对满洲的军事占领,这对溥仪有特别的重要性。溥仪的参谋人员,日方代表和支持溥仪的汉人之间的秘密商谈继续不断。1931年11月,日本关东军特务机关的头目土肥原访问溥仪,说明日军在满洲的军事行动其目的只在反对张学良,并讨论由溥仪出头成立独立的满洲帝国的可能性。郑孝胥赞同日本的建议,陈宝琛等人反对。但最后溥仪还是接受了郑孝胥的劝告,1931年11月10日,郑孝胥、郑垂陪同溥仪秘密离开天津,乘日本船到达南满,溥仪等一行人在旅顺暂居。郑孝胥对此行寄以极大希望,特作诗一首志念。
郑孝胥恢复溥仪帝位的计划,原是想利用日本的力量在满洲立定脚跟,其最终目的还是在北京恢复清王朝。据说,土肥原在天津的谈判中表示可以考虑使用原有帝国国名和帝号。日方诱溥仪及其支持者到满洲自有其明确的目的。很快就看出土肥原作出的协议并未全部实现。关于溥仪的身份地位问题,郑孝胥等人和日本方面意见不一致,争论了1931年的整个冬天。1932年2月,达成最后条款,1932年3月1日新的满洲国成立。3月9日,溥仪经三请而后就位,但未称帝号,而称为执政(这是十年前段祺瑞在北京用过的称号)。郑孝胥已年过七十,任总理大臣,新政府的首都在新京(长春)。郑孝胥不久又兼陆军部大臣,以后任文教部大臣。1933年成立日满文化协会,郑孝胥任第一任会长。
郑孝胥在满洲国的政治身份于1932年9月15日得到法权上的肯定,那天郑孝胥和关东租借地长官,关东军司令,日本驻满洲国大使武藤信义,签订了承认议定书和互助条约。据议定书称,日本承认“顺从民意”而成立的满洲国为独立国家,满洲国对境内现有的日本公私权益继续承认并加以保护。日满双方进而同意为国家安全进行合作。
1934年3月1日,溥仪登位为满洲国皇帝,大连的《满洲日报》指出这主要是由于郑孝胥的效力。该报说,郑孝胥“看来在皇帝永被驱逐出中国之后,终于又建立起一个帝国”。该报又说:注视着溥仪登上皇座过程的人都承认,郑孝胥是幕后人,“他像英国的武尔赛那样具有光辉前程,像法国黎舍利那样具有侠骨诗情的政治家风度”。郑孝胥以国务大臣的身份,于1934年3月24日到4月24日访问了日本。一年多后,他为他心目中中国的当然统治者尽职了十一年之久而于1935年5月21日辞职。
郑孝胥始终保持他的个性,他忠于自己的目标是无人怀疑的。他坚定地为满洲国的独立和重建帝室权位而效力。据说他在满洲国国务会议中经常与日方争论甚至拒绝关东军的建议,而事实上,他在满洲国政府给予日方在该地区的事务方面有决定性的发言权。早在1932年中,其观点与其父郑孝胥显然一致的郑垂在日方压力下辞去国务大臣首席秘书的职务。1933年郑垂死在沈阳南满铁路医院,中国的观察家们很快推测,郑垂或许并非病死。据说郑孝胥本人在1932年末也成为日方进行威胁的对象。
满洲国经历了两个年号,1932—1933年溥仪为执政时称“大同”,1934年3月溥仪登帝位后称“康德”。“大同”是儒家建立一个伟大的统一国家的理想世界。“康德”的意义是维护地区和平的道德观。这显然是一种退步,因为按照春秋左传所载,分为衰乱世,小康世,大同世三个阶段。满洲国纪年改元,表示了面对满洲国是一个傀儡帝国的事实而放弃了最高的大同世的希望。纪元命名,当出自郑孝胥的政治思想,他是擅于选名命名的。
郑孝胥辞职后,1937年曾到北京。据传他在北京准备了寓所打算在那里平平安安过日子。但是日方提醒他说,满洲国第一任国务大臣侨居国外是不合适的。郑孝胥乃又回新京,1938年3月28日死在那里,终年七十九岁。张景惠继他而任满洲国国务大臣,他说郑孝胥之死使帝国丧失了一个最伟大的人物。东京日本官方称郑孝胥为实现日满间“精诚合一”所作的贡献将在历史上占有显著地位。为郑孝胥举行国葬,当时的康德皇帝溥仪授他一等紫绶大勋章。在此之前,只有关东军司令本庄繁得过这样的勋章。
郑孝胥政治哲学的中心内容仍是传统的儒家王道。这种思想十九世纪末在中国曾一度复活以抗击挑战的西方影响,而日本人又把它恢复起来以抗击中国的民族主义和共产主义。郑孝胥,像罗振玉这一些汉族遗老一样,一心想恢复满清皇朝在中国的统治。当远东走向第二次世界大战的时候,他们却已身在日本控制下的傀儡政府之中,这就是他们的命运。
郑孝胥一生讲究养生之术,晚年时仍精力充沛,看上去比较年轻。他在天亮前起身是习以为常的,打一小时太极拳,然后写诗读史,喝茶吃粥。清晨六时,就开始工作。由于他的这些习惯,把他一间书斋名为“夜起庵”。
1932年时庄士敦曾说郑孝胥是“一个品性优良、正直清白的人”,“在中国他无疑是他同时代的最有学问、最有造诣的一位,也许是当代才华出众的中国诗人之一”。他早年的诗集《海藏楼诗》1902年初版发行。以后又在1914年和1938年的版本再版发行。郑孝胥的古诗与陈三立的诗风相近,郑孝胥为陈三立1909年和1922年出版的两部诗集作序。郑孝胥善于书法与作诗,被认为是最佳书法家。但是,郑孝胥的才华、造诣和正直品性,却因他和满洲国的密切关系,而从政治上被批评得黯然失色。

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