Feng Kuo-chang (7 January 1859-28 December 1919), one of the most powerful officers of Yuan Shih-k'ai's Feiyang military clique, was military governor of Chihh (1912-13) and Kiangsu (1913-17). After Yuan died, he became vice president (1916-17) and acting president (191718) of the Peking government. He was the leader of the Chihli clique, which opposed the Anhwei faction of Tuan Ch'i-jui.
A native of Chihli (Hopei), Feng Kuo-chang was the youngest of four sons in a family of farmers in Hochien. Feng and his brothers received training in the Chinese classics, and, in their spare time, they fenced and rode. However, the family fell on hard times, and by the time Feng was ready to attend school all of the family property had been sold to provide his elder brothers with an education. Feng was obliged to earn his own living; reportedly, at one time he played an erh-hu in a local theater to earn money. Feng went with an elder brother to Paoting and enrolled in the Liench'ih Academy, but he was obliged to leave the school soon afterward because he lacked funds.
At the age of 27, Feng went to Taku, where one of his great-uncles was working in the office of a battalion of the Anhwei army. Feng obtained a position as an orderly to the battalion commander. When Li Hung-chang (ECCP, I, 464-71) established the Peiyang Military Academy at Tientsin in 1885, Feng's battalion commander recommended him to Li as a promising student. At the academy, Feng did well in his courses. In 1888 he took a leave of absence from the academy and passed the examinations for the sheng-yuan degree. After failing the chü-jen examinations later that year, he returned to the Peiyang Military Academy, from which he graduated in 1890. He remained at the academy as an instructor until 1891, when he was assigned to serve under Nieh Shih-ch'eng (d. 1900; T. Kung-t'ing) at Port Arthur. As part of his duties, Feng made extensive journeys into Manchuria, and his familiarity with that area was very useful to Nieh and his army during the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-95.
In 1895 Feng Kuo-chang was recommended by Nieh Shih-ch'eng to serve as military attache to Yü-keng (d. 1905; T. Lang-hsi), the newly appointed Chinese minister to Japan. Feng became acquainted with several Japanese army officers including Fukushima Yasumasa, who later headed the Shikan Gakko [military academy], and Aoki Nobuzumi, who became a military adviser to Yuan Shih-k'ai during Yuan's presidency. For several months, Feng studied various aspects of Japan's military modernization and recorded his observations in a number of notebooks which he presented to Nieh Shih-ch'eng on his return to China. Nieh forwarded them to Yuan Shih-k'ai, who at that time was building up the Hsin-chien lu-chün [newly created army] at Hsiaochan. Feng's observations on Japanese training methods impressed Yuan, and he made Feng head of the training section of his newly organized staff office.
When Yuan Shih-k'ai was appointed governor of Shantung late in 1899, Feng accompanied him and took part in military operations against the Boxers in that province. At the height of the Boxer Uprising, Feng was stationed at Techou, close to the border of Chihli province, with orders to seal off the area from Boxer incursions. After the suppression of the Boxers by the Eight-Power Allied Army, Yuan became governor-general of Chihli province in 1901 and began to organize a new military training center at Paoting. He established a new staff office, the provincial department of military administration. Feng Kuo-chang, by then one of Yuan's chief military assistants, became head of the department's instruction and training section. Feng was in charge of implementing Yuan's military training program, and in the next two years, he established a number of military schools at Paoting and founded military primary schools in Chihli. During the last decade of the Ch'ing dynasty, Feng played a prominent role in the efforts of the central government to reform and reorganize China's military establishment. In December 1903 the Manchu government established a commission for army reorganization, and Feng became head of its military education department. He was responsible for centralizing the administration of military establishments throughout China, standardizing the military training programs in the provinces, and organizing training programs in provinces that did not have them. In the autumn of 1905, he made a brief trip to Japan to observe units of the Japanese Army practice large-scale maneuvers for the first time since the Russo-Japanese war. After his return to China, he reportedly assisted in planning the Peiyang Army maneuvers held in north China in the following years. After the establishment in 1906 of the lu-chün kuei-chou hsueh-t'ang [military school for princes and nobles] to train the sons of Manchu princes and clansmen, Feng was named director of the school (under a Manchu supervisor) with the rank of deputy lieutenant general. In 1907 he also was assigned to the newly created ministry of war as chief of the chancery of the general staff" council, a position he retained when the council was reorganized in 1909 as the general staff office.
Little is known of Feng's political attitudes in the years previous to the 1911 revolution. Beginning about 1906, and especially after 1908, the Ch'ing government sought to centralize control of the military forces by adopting a policy of placing Manchus, rather than Chinese, in the top military posts. Yuan Shih-k'ai, Feng's patron and superior officer, was stripped of his command of the Peiyang Army and dismissed in 1909. Feng was said to be unhappy about the way his Manchu superiors in the ministry of war treated him, and he still looked to Yuan Shih-k'ai for leadership. Thus, even before the revolution of 1911, Feng reportedly was ready to follow the orders of his former chief. After the outbreak of the revolt at Wuchang in October 1911, the Manchu government dispatched two imperial armies to suppress the revolutionists in the Wuhan cities. Yin-ch'ang, the minster of war, was commander in chief and head of the First Army, and Feng Kuochang was commander of the Second Army. As his troops were moving southward along the Peking-Hankow railway, Feng stopped to consult Yuan Shih-k'ai at Changte (Anyang) in northern Honan. At Yuan's suggestion, Feng delayed the advance of his troops for several days, allowing the revolutionary movement to spread and thereby increasing the pressure on the desperate Manchu regime to come to terms with Yuan. On 27 October 1911 Yuan took command of Yin-ch'ang's forces as commander in chief of the imperial armies in Hupeh, and Feng became commander of the First Army. The same day. Yuan sent secret orders for an assault on Hankow, which was retaken by imperial forces a few days later. After about two weeks of negotiation between the revolutionary and imperial forces at Wuhan, fighting again broke out. Yuan Shih-k'ai, who was then in Peking, ordered Feng to attack Hanyang. After a week of heavy fighting, the imperial forces under Feng's command retook the city on 27 November. The following day, as a reward for his victory, the Manchu court made Feng a baron of the second class. Yuan, who believed that he was in a good position to bargain with the revolutionaries, ordered Feng not to attack Wuchang and to commence negotiations with Li Yuan-hung (q.v.), the leader of the revolutionary forces. At the end of 1911, after a temporary truce had been negotiated in Wuhan, Feng was ordered to turn over his command to Tuan Ch'i-jui (q.v.) and return to Peking.
Yuan Shih-k'ai moved rapidly to oust the Manchus from important positions in the administration and the army. He forced the Manchu prince Tsai-t'ao to resign as commandant of the chin-wei-chün [guards army], the last remaining stronghold of Manchu military power. Because Feng Kuo-chang, as the former director of the lu-chün kuei-chou hsueht'ang, was on good terms with many of the Manchu military officers, he was made the new commandant of the chin-wei-chün. He was instrumental in persuading the younger Manchu officers to accept the terms of the Manchu emperor's abdication. At the same time, Feng appears to have won the goodwill of his officers by expressing personal regret at the emperor's abdication and by supporting his officers' demands that assurances of good treatment for the imperial house be included in the terms of abdication. For several years thereafter, Feng retained command of the chin-wei-chün, which was to constitute the nucleus of his personal military power.
Feng also was made military lieutenant governor of Chahar in December 1911. After Yuan Shih-k'ai became provisional president, Feng was appointed chief of the military council in the presidential office. In September 1913 he was promoted to the rank of full general and was appointed tutuh [military governor] of Chihli (Hopei) province, acting concurrently as civil governor. Several months later, during the so-called second revolution of 1913, Feng headed one of the two Peiyang armies that Yuan Shih-k'ai had mobilized to crush Kuomintang resistance in the provinces of the lower Yangtze. As pacification commissioner of Kiang-Hwai, in overall command of the Second Peiyang Army, Feng moved down along the Tientsin-Pukow railway to attack the Kuomintang stronghold at Nanking. After a 50-day siege, the city was taken on 1 September 1913 by the troops of Feng's nominal subordinate Chang Hsün (q.v.), and Chang was made military governor of Kiangsu province. Three months later, in December 1913, Feng was appointed to succeed Chang Hsün.
By the end of 1913, Feng Kuo-chang had become one of the most powerful of Yuan Shih-k'ai's subordinates. Feng's rise to prominence had depended upon Yuan's patronage, and, in turn, the assurance of Feng's military backing had been an important factor in Yuan's successful political maneuvering against the Manchu dynasty in 1911-12 and against the National Assembly in Peking during 1913. However, Feng's appointment as military governor of Kiangsu, with military control over a large and wealthy region out of the immediate reach of Yuan's authority, permitted him a certain degree of independence. After 1913, as Yuan sought to tighten his personal control over the provinces, Feng and other Peiyang military governors, while professing their continued loyalty to Yuan, covertly resisted all his attempts to curtail their powers. This opposition of interests became a source of hidden but persistent friction.
Relations between Feng Kuo-chang and Yuan Shih-k'ai were strained further during the summer of 1915 because of the monarchical movement. Earlier in the year, Feng had become acquainted with Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (q.v.). After hearing from Liang of a scheme to make Yuan monarch, he hurriedly left Nanking for Peking at the end of June to see if such a plan existed. Yuan assured Feng that rumors of his imperial ambitions were groundless. However, soon after Feng returned to Nanking, the monarchist Ch'ou-an-hui [society for national security] was formally established. Because he believed that Yuan had deceived him and that his own future would be seriously jeopardized if Yuan became monarch, Feng refused to take part in the monarchical movement. Yuan sought to win him over to the cause of monarchy by making him a duke in the new order of nobility; he also tried to remove Feng from his base of power in Nanking by ordering him to Peking to be chief of general staff (18 December 1915). Feng countered by indicating that he would assume the new appointment only if he were permitted to remain at Nanking. To support Feng's stand, the military governors of Kiangsi and Hupeh and several prominent citizens of Kiangsu province petitioned Yuan to retain Feng as governor in Nanking. Yuan, for the time being, was obliged to yield.
Late in December 1915 Ts'ai O (q.v.) and other military leaders in Yunnan revolted against Yuan. During the ensuing conflict between Yuan Shih-k'ai and the southern military leaders, Feng withheld his support from Yuan. Early in 1916, when Yuan ordered |i him to Peking to serve as his chief of general staff and as commander in chief of the anti-Yunnan forces, Feng demurred on the pretext of illness. Moreover, in March, Feng tried to unite the other Peiyang military leaders in opposition to the monarchy and to Yuan himself. Before Feng's activities came to Yuan's attention, he had succeeded in obtaining considerable support from the governors of the Yangtze provinces. In the meantime, Feng also had established contact with the southern military leaders, including Lu Jung-t'ing (q.v.), the military governor of Kwangsi, who on 15 March 1916 joined the revolt against Yuan by declaring his province independent of the central government. Thereafter, as other provinces broke away, Feng became more open in his opposition. On 16 April, he sent Yuan a telegram urging that he bring the war with the south to an end and suggesting that he retire from the presidency. To keep his position ambiguous, he issued a telegram the next day stating that Yuan should be allowed to complete his four-year term as president. In the spring of 1916, Feng began a series of political maneuvers designed to secure his own succession to Yuan's position of power as president of the republic and leader of the Peiyang clique. Feng attempted to play the southern military leaders against Yuan's subordinates and, at the same time, to create a new center of political and military influence to support his future candidacy. Early in IVlay, Feng called for a conference of provincial representatives to be held at Nanking to discuss Yuan's resignation and the formation of a new National Assembly. On 18 May, the conference was opened, with Feng as chairman. In spite of strong opposition from Ni Ssu-ch'ung and Chang Hsün, both of whom supported Yuan, Feng secured a recommendation from the conference that Yuan relinquish the presidency. But Feng's proposals for selecting a new president betrayed his ambition to replace Yuan and aroused antagonism among his Peiyang colleagues and the southern military leaders. Feng's hopes were dashed when, after Yuan's death in June, Tuan Ch'i-jui established himself as the de facto head of the central government and installed the vice president, Li Yuan-hung, in Yuan's place as president. Although thwarted in his political ambitions, Feng Kuo-chang wielded considerable power as military governor at Nanking and as one of the most influential leaders of the Peiyang military clique. In seeking to exploit this position, Feng continued to play one political group against another without committing himself. Utilizing Feng's own strategy, certain members of the National Assembly in Peking, hoping to use Feng as a check on Tuan Ch'ijui's power, nominated him to succeed Li Yuan-hung as vice president. On 30 October 1916, at a joint session of the National Assembly, Feng was elected vice president. Because this position involved little more than prestige, Feng retained his post as military governor of Kiangsu and remained at his headquarters in Nanking. Feng was invited to Peking by Tuan Ch'i-jui in February 1917 to discuss Tuan's proposal that China severs diplomatic relations with Germany. On the German question, as on many others, Tuan was at odds with Li Yuan-hung. By early March, relations between them had become so strained that Tuan threatened to resign and left for Tientsin. Feng assumed the role of mediator between Tuan Ch'i-jui and Li Yuan-hung, and he succeeded in bringing about a truce between the premier and the president. With regard to the German question, Feng remained characteristically noncommittal: though personally opposed to a break with Germany, he gave Tuan the impression that he approved of the latter's policy of breaking with Germany and entering the war on the side of the Allies; but after his return to Nanking (11 March), Feng notified the Peking government of his opposition to China's participation in the war as an enemy of Germany.
In the spring of 1917, the political disagreement between Tuan Ch'i-jui and Li Yuan-hung culminated in a situation from which Feng Kuo-chang emerged as acting president of the republic. After the dismissal of Tuan as premier in May and the dissolution of the National Assembly in June, Chang Hsün attempted to restore the Manchu monarchy. Chang's efforts to involve Feng in this venture were immediately rebuffed by Feng himself; on 2 July, Feng issued a telegram from Nanking denouncing Chang Hsün and denying any connection with Chang's restoration attempt. Shortly afterward, under pressure from the military, Li Yuan-hung announced his intention to retire from the presidency. A telegram, purportedly from Li, requested Feng Kuo-chang, as vice president, to assume the duties of president. On 7 July, when Peking was still in the hands of the monarchists, Feng announced that he would comply with Li's request and called for the organization of a government in Nanking. However, after Tuan Ch'i-jui and his supporters defeated Chang Hsün and regained control of Peking in mid-July, Feng agreed to assume office in the national capital.
Feng Kuo-chang and Tuan Ch'i-jui, as the senior members of the military organization founded by Yuan Shih-k'ai, had vied with one another for leadership of the Peiyang military faction after Yuan's death. Partly as a result of this rivalry, the Peiyang faction itself tended to separate into two major groups, which were subsequently referred to as the Chihli clique (Feng was a native of Chihli province) and the Anhwei clique (Tuan was a native of Anhwei).
In 1917 Feng's political and military power was centered in the Yangtze provinces of Kiangsu, Kiangsi, and Hupeh. Before leaving Nanking to assume the presidency, Feng had secured his position there by arranging to have one of his supporters succeed him as military governor of Kiangsu. Feng's chief supporters were officers who had been under his command in the First Army late in 1911 at Hanyang: Li Ch'un, the governor of Kiangsi, who was Feng's choice to succeed him in Nanking; Ch'en Kuang-yuan, who succeeded Li Ch'un as governor in Kiangsi; and Wang Chan-yuan, the governor of Hupeh. Feng retained command of his personal military force, including the former chin-Wei-chun, which he had expanded into two divisions. The 16th Division remained at Nanking, and the 15th Division accompanied him to Peking as the presidential guards.
Feng went to Peking on 1 August 1917 to take up his duties as acting president. Almost immediately after assuming office, he came into conflict with Tuan Ch'i-jui, who again was serving as premier. The most important point of disagreement between them was the central government's policy toward the southern military government at Canton. Tuan wanted to suppress this government and subjugate the southern provinces by military force; Feng urged a conciliatory policy toward the southern leaders. After the Peiyang military failures in Hunan and Szechwan in October and November 1917, Tuan resigned as premier, and Feng was able to enforce his policy of peaceful unification for a brief period. However, Tuan soon rallied his supporters behind him; by early February 1918, he was able to exert sufficient pressure on Feng to cause him to abandon his policy of conciliation toward the south. In March, strengthened by the military support of Chang Tso-lin (q.v.), Tuan was in a position to insist that he" immediately be reappointed premier. Because of the superior strength of the Tuan faction, Feng agreed to an arrangement by which he would step aside for a new president when his term of office ended in October 1918. As a face-saving concession, Tuan agreed to resign as premier at the same time. However, although Feng's retirement involved a complete abdication from power, Tuan's resignation in no way impaired his control of the central government. Feng still had sufficient prestige and military support to ensure his freedom from harassment by political enemies in Peking. On 10 October 1918, at the first ceremony of its kind in the history of the young republic, Feng Kuo-chang turned over the office of president to his elected successor, Hsü Shih-ch'ang (q.v.). After his retirement from political life, Feng lived quietly in Peking. On 28 December 1919, he died of pneumonia.
Feng married twice. Nothing is known of his first wife. His second wife, Chou Chih (T. Tao-ju), was a native of Ihsing, Kiangsu. For several years before her marriage to Feng in 1914, she had been the governess of Yuan Shih-k'ai's daughters. Feng was the father of five sons and four daughters. The eldest daughter married Ch'en Chih-chi (T. Shuliang), a native of Fengjun, Chihli and a member of the T'ung-meng-hui. During the so-called second revolution of 1913, Ch'en, as commander of the 8th Division, was the ranking officer at Nanking for a short time. Feng's eldest son, Chia-sui, served as a member of the National Assembly from Chihli province.
冯国璋 字:华甫
冯国璋(1859.1.7—1919,12,18),袁世凯北洋军阀系统中势力最大的人物之一,曾任直隶(1912—1913年)、江苏(1913—1917年)都督。袁世凯死后任北京政府副总统(1916—1917年),代总统(1917—1918年),直系
首领,反对段祺瑞皖系。
冯国璋河北河间人,兄弟四人居幼。他和兄弟辈受旧教育,此外还学剑术骑术。冯家家道中落,产业卖尽供其兄上学。冯国璋不得不自行谋生,据说,,他曾为一个戏班子拉二胡谋生。他和他一个哥哥曾进保定莲池书院,因缴不起学费而辍学。
冯国璋二十七岁时到塘沽,他有一个叔祖父在淮军一个营部中工作,冯国璋当了该营长的一名勤务兵。1885年李鸿章在天津办北洋武备学堂,冯国璋得到营长以可造之材推荐入学,在校学习成绩优良。1888年他请假参加考试中秀
才,后因未能中举,又回武备学堂,1890年毕业,在原校任教官至1891年,后派往旅顺聂士成部下任职。冯国璋因职责所关,曾到东北各地视察,熟悉各地情况,这对聂士成于1894—1895年的中日战争时期很有用处。
1895年裕庚任驻日公使,聂士成推荐冯国璋充当武官,因此结识了日方不少军界人士,例如福岛安正,他后来成为士官学校校长;青木宣纯,他后来成了袁世凯的军事顾问。冯国璋考察了日本军事的各个方面,记录了几册笔记,
回国后交给了聂士成,聂又转交给了袁世凯,那时他正在小站建立新军。冯国璋所记的日本军队训练方法甚为袁世凯重视,派他为管带。
1899年,袁世凯出任山东巡抚,冯国璋随同前往,并参加了对山东义和团的镇压。义和团运动高潮时,冯国璋驻防在与直隶交界的德州,他受命阻止义和团侵入。八国联军镇压了义和团之后,1901年袁世凯任直隶总督,在保定另
建新军,任冯国璋为保定将弁学堂总办。冯国璋依袁世凯的旨令办事,此后两年内在保定设立了一些军事学校,又在河北创办了一些陆军小学。
清政府最后的十年里,冯国璋在清政府整顿重编军队的工作上起过重要作用。1903年12月清政府成立一个改编军队委员会,冯国璋任教育处长。他负责使全国军队统一管理,使各省练军规划标准化,并为没有练军规划的各省制订
规划。1905年秋,他去日本参观日俄战后的第一次大规摸演习,回国后,据说他协助筹备翌年在华北举行的一次北洋军军事演习。1906年设立陆军贵冑学堂训练满族王公子弟,冯国璋以中将衔任总办。1907年他被派到新成立的陆军部担任军诰府的领导工作,到1909年该机构改组为参谋部为止。
辛亥革命以前冯国璋的政治态度不详。但自1906年以来,特别在1908年,清政府力求控制军权,重要军事职位由满人而不由汉人担任。1909年,冯国璋的上司袁世凯被褫夺了军权,冯国璋对陆军部的满族上级军官表示不满,对袁
世凯仍是忠心耿耿。因此,即使在辛亥革命之前,冯国璋仍听命于袁世凯。
武昌起义后,清政府派两个镇前往镇压。陆军大臣荫昌指挥第一镇,冯国璋指挥第二镇。冯国璋率军沿京汉铁路南下抵彰德(安阳)时,停军不进,向袁世凯请示机宜,在袁世凯授意下,冯国璋滞留数日,使革命势力得以扩大,
迫使走投无路的清政府向袁世凯让步。1911年10月27日,袁世凯取代荫昌,指挥全部湖北清军。并以冯国璋带领第一军,同日密令进攻汉口,几天后攻克。革命军和清军在武汉商谈约两周,战事重又发生。袁世凯当时在北京电令冯国
璋进攻汉阳,经一周苦战,11月27日攻克汉阳。次日清政府授以二等男爵。这时,袁世凯认为他已有了讨价还价的本钱,命令冯国璋停止进攻武昌,并与革命军首领黎元洪谈判。1911年底,在武汉暂行停战协定签订后,冯国璋奉命把
军权交给段祺瑞后回到北京。
袁世凯立刻撤掉了满族人在军队中的重要职位,逼载涛辞去禁卫军统领,这是清政府最后的一点军力。冯国璋以前是陆军贵胄学校总办,和许多满族军官关系较好,乃由他来继任禁卫军统领,并利用他去劝说满族青年军官接受皇室逊位条件。冯国璋善于处事,他对满清皇室的退位深表遗憾,并表示支持他部下的要求在逊位条件中保证对清室的优厚待遇而赢得他部下的好感。此后数年中冯国璋一直任禁卫军统领,这就成为他私人军权的核心力量。
1911年12月,冯国璋任察哈尔都统。袁世凯任临时大总统后,冯任总统府军事处长,1913年9月,升为上将,并任直隶都督兼省长。1913年二次革命时,冯国璋统率了袁世凯在长江下游用以粉碎国民党抵抗的两支北洋军中的一支。他以江淮宣抚使名义,率第二支北洋军沿津浦路南下,进攻国民党据点南京,经五十天围城,南京由他名义上统率的张勋部队于1913年9月1日攻陷,张勋为江苏都督。三个月后1913年12月,冯继张勋任江苏都督。
1913年底,冯国璋是袁世凯手下最有力的部将之一。冯国璋之所以能升上显要地位,全由袁世凯的扶植。反过来,冯国璋军力的支持也是袁世凯在1911—1912年与满清皇朝及1913年与国会作政治斗争取得胜利的重要因素。冯国璋
任江苏都督,这是一个地大物博但并不在袁世凯直接控制之下的地区,这使冯国璋能有一定程度的独立性,1913年后,袁世凯谋求加强对各省的控制,冯国璋和其他一些北洋都督,表面上虽仍效忠袁世凯,但暗中却抵制袁削减他们实力的企图。这种利害冲突,成为隐秘而又持久的磨擦根源。
冯、袁的关系到1915年由于袁世凯称帝的活动进一步紧张起来了。本年早些时候冯国璋结识了粱启超,他从梁启超那里得知这一消息,当即由南京去北京探听。袁世凯向他表明称帝谣言毫无根据。但冯国璋刚回到南京,筹安会就
正式成立了。冯国璋认为他被袁世凯欺骗,又认为袁做皇帝后他个人前途也将岌岌可危,所以拒绝参加袁世凯的称帝活动。袁世凯想封他为公爵来争取他的拥戴,并准备把他调离南京,到北京来当参谋总长(1915年12月18日)。冯国璋表示如准许他留在南京就愿意担任新职。江西、湖北都督及江苏仕绅向袁吁请支持冯的立场。袁世凯不得不暂时勉强答应。
1915年12月底,蔡锷和其他云南军事领袖起而反袁。在这双方的斗争中,冯国璋并不支持袁世凯。1916年初,袁世凯命令冯国璋来北京任参谋总长兼任征滇军总司令,冯国璋借口患病推辞。3月,冯国璋进一步试图联系其他北洋
军阀一起反对帝制并反对袁世凯本人,待袁世凯觉察之前,冯国璋已取得长江各省的支持了。冯国璋同时还与南方各军事领袖取得联系,其中包括广西都督陆荣廷,此人于3月15日宣布独立参加反袁。其后,各省纷纷独立,冯也公开
反对袁世凯了。4月16日,他致电袁世凯要求他停止南方用兵,并建议袁辞去总统的职务。为了保持他那若即若离的态度,他又在第二天的电报中说,袁世凯应任满总统的四年任期。
1916年春,冯国璋进行了一系列政治活动,想接替袁任总统和北洋系的领袖地位。冯一方面利用南方军人反对袁世凯的部属,另一方面又建立一个支持他为总统的军事及政治力量中心。五月初,冯国璋在南京召开全省代表会
议,讨论袁退位及成立新国会问题。5月18日,会议开幕,冯国璋任主席。在会议中虽受到支持袁世凯的倪嗣冲和张勋的反对,但终于通过了劝告袁世凯辞退总统职位的决议。但冯国璋建议另选总统暴露了他想取袁而代之的野心,引起北洋军阀和南方军阀的反对。6月,袁世凯死后,段祺瑞成为事实上的中央政府的首脑,任命副总统黎元洪继任总统。冯国璋的希望完全落空。
冯国璋的政治野心虽然受挫,但仍掌握南京的江苏督军和北洋军阀中的一名主要领袖的大权。他利用他的地位,常常唆使这一方攻击另一方,而本人则置身事外,袖手旁观。北京国会中的一些代表,采用了冯国璋本人惯用的伎俩,
想用冯国璋的力量来对抗段祺瑞,提名他接替黎元洪为副总统。1916年10月30日国会联席会议选举冯国璋为副总统。这个职务实际上只是一个空名而已,冯国璋继续当他的江苏督军留在南京。1917年2月,段祺瑞请他去北京讨论与德国断交的问题。在对德问题和其他一些问题上,段祺瑞与黎元洪的意见是不一致的。他们的关系变得如此紧张,以至3月初段祺瑞以辞职相要挟去天津。冯国璋在他们两人之间充当调解人,使总统与总理之间暂停争执。至于对德问题,冯国璋仍用一惯手法不明确表态,尽管他本人是反对与德绝交的,但他却给段祺瑞以他同意与德断交加入协约国的印象;3月11日冯国璋回南京,告知北京政府,他反对中国参加对德国作战。
1917年春,段、黎不和日益加剧,结果促成冯国璋当了代理总统。5月,解除段祺瑞内阁总理职务及6月国会解散后,张勋企图清朝皇帝复辟。张勋想把冯国璋拉进这次冒险活动之中,但立即被拒绝;7月2日冯国璋由南京发出
通电,斥责张勋,否认与张勋的复辟活动有任何关系。不久,黎元洪在军事压力下宣希辞去总统之职,据说黎元洪发出一封电报请代总统冯国璋行使总统职权。7月7日,北京仍在保皇派手中,冯国璋声明,他愿意服从黎元洪的要求
在南京组成政府。但在段祺瑞等人击败了张勋于7月中旬重占北京后,冯国璋同意去北京就职。
冯国璋和段祺瑞原来都是袁世凯新建军队里的高级将领,袁世凯死后,两人互争北洋系的领导权。这一竞争的部分结果,北洋军阀就分裂为两个主要集团:直系(冯国璋是直隶人)和皖系(段祺瑞是安徽人)。1917年间,冯国璋
的势力主要在江苏、江西、湖北长江诸省。冯国璋在离南京去北京就任总统时,就安置了他的心腹继任江苏督军。冯国璋的主要心腹,是他1911年出兵汉阳时的第一军将领李纯任江苏督军,陈光远继李纯为江西督军王占元为湖
北督军。冯国璋仍亲率他的嫡系部队,包括以前的禁卫军,扩大为两师。十六师留驻南京,十五师随同开往北京作为总统府卫队。
1917年8月1日,冯国璋到北京任代理总统。刚一就任,他就和再任总理的段祺瑞发生冲突。争执的中心是北京政府对南方广州军政府的对策。段祺瑞主张镇压广州军政府并用武力讨平南方各省,冯国璋则主张和解。1917年10月、
11月,北洋军先后在湖南、四川失败,段祺瑞辞职,冯国璋得以暂时推行他的和平统一政策。但段祺瑞纠集他的支持者,1918年2月能对冯国璋施加压力,迫使他放弃对南方的和解政策。3月,段祺瑞取得了张作霖的军事援助,立即
坚持再任内阁总理。
由于段系的实力占优势,冯国璋同意在1918年10月任期满后即离去总统职位。作为面子上的让步,段祺瑞也同肘辞去内阁总理职务。不过,冯国璋的退位会造成他全部权力的丧失,而段祺瑞的辞职,则对他控制中央政权毫无影
响。冯仍有足够的威望和军力,使他不受北京政敌的干扰。1918年10月10日,在第一次举行的民国成立纪念会上,冯国璋把总统的职位让给被选出的继任者徐世昌。冯国璋退出政治舞台后,安安静静地住在北京。1919年12月28日死于肺炎。
冯国璋曾两次结婚,他的发妻情况不详。他的继室周宜(字道如)是江苏宜兴人。1914年她和冯国璋结婚前,是袁世凯女儿的家庭教师。冯国璋有五个儿子、四个女儿。长女与陈之骥结婚,他是河北丰润县人,是一个老同盟会员,1913年二次革命时任第八师师长,在南京做过短期的高级军官。他的长子家遂是直隶省的国会议员。