Biography in English

Teng Yen-ta (1895-29 November 1931), director of the general political department of the National Revolutionary Army during the Northern Expedition. Beginning in 1927 he opposed Chiang Kai-shek's leadership, and in 1930 he organized the Provisional Action Committee of the Kuomintang, known as the Third Party. He was executed by the Nationalists as a traitor in 1931.

Huichou (Waichow), Kwangtung, was the birthplace of Teng Yen-ta. At the age of 12 sui he enrolled at the Whampoa Military Primary School in Canton, where such other future leaders as Hsueh Yueh and Yeh T'ing (qq.v.) also received their first military training. Teng was the youngest cadet in his class, but his prowess as a student soon brought him to the attention of the school's dean, Teng K'eng (q.v.). In 1911, with the outbreak of the republican revolution, Teng Yen-ta interrupted his military studies to join the revolutionary forces of Yao Yü-p'ing. After the establishment of the republic in 1912, he returned to Canton to continue his military education. He entered the Kwangtung Short-Term Military School, from which he was graduated in 1914. After studying at the Second Military Preparatory School in Wuchang from 1914 to 1916, he spent the years from 1916 to 1919 at the Paoting Military Academy. In 1919 he was assigned to field duty as a junior officer in the Northwest Frontier Defense Army of Hsu Shu-cheng (q.v.). By this time, Teng K'eng had risen to the position of chief of staff, under Ch'en Chiungming (q.v.), of the Kwangtung Army, which in 1918 had established its headquarters at Changchow in southern Fukien. In 1920 Teng K'eng summoned his former pupil to Changchow and placed him in command of a unit there. Following the reoccupation of Canton by the Kwangtung Army in October 1920, Teng K'eng was made commander of the 1st Division of the reorganized Kwangtung Army, with Teng Yen-ta as a staff officer and commander of an infantry battalion. Teng Yen-ta and his battalion were assigned in late 1 92 1 to serve as a garrison unit guarding Sun Yat-sen's field headquarters at Kweilin. After the assassination of Teng K'eng at Canton in March 1922, the subsequent attempt of Ch'en Chiung-ming to gain sole control of the province, and the flight of Sun Yat-sen to Shanghai, Teng Yen-ta and such other officers as Chang Fa-k'uei and Ch'en Chi-t'ang (qq.v.) worked to preserve the integrity of the 1st Division as an effective military force in support of Sun Yat-sen against Ch'en Chiung-ming. In the winter of 1922, the 1st Division joined with armies from Yunnan and Kwangsi in driving Ch'en Chiung-ming out of Canton. During this period, Li Chi-shen (q.v.) became the commander of the 1st Division, and Teng Yen-ta was named commander of its 3rd Regiment. Early in 1923 Sun Yat-sen returned to Canton, determined to reorganize the Kuomintang. Teng Yen-ta strongly supported the policies of collaboration with the Communists and establishment of a Kuomintang military training school. In January 1924 he was appointed by Sun to a seven-man preparatory committee for the projected military academy at Whampoa, and with the inauguration of the Whampoa Military Academy in May, he was named assistant director, under Li Chi-shen, of its training department. Teng thus played an important part in the academy's initial training programs, designed to imbue the cadets with patriotism and political discipline. Although his energy and enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause made him a popular figure among the Whampoa cadets, he incurred the enmity of such leaders as Wang Po-ling, head of the academy's department of instruction. In late 1924 or early 1925 Teng suddenly resigned his posts and went to Germany.

In Berlin, Teng Yen-ta became acquainted with Chu Teh (q.v.) and with Kao Yü-han and other Chinese Communists there who held regular meetings to study and discuss the doctrines of Marxism. He returned to China, by way of the Soviet Union, in time to attend the Second National Congress ofthe Kuomintang in January 1926, at which he was elected to alternate membership in the Central Executive Committee. At Chiang Kai-shek's request, he returned to Whampoa to serve as dean of the academy. During Chiang's 20 March coup at Canton, however, he was arrested along with a number of Chinese Communist representatives. He was released soon afterwards and was transferred to Ch'aochou in Kwangtung, where he was placed in charge of the local branch of the party military school.

Within a few months, however, Teng was recalled to Canton to assume the most important position of his career: director of the general political department of the National Revolutionary Army. When the Northern Expedition was launched in the summer of 1926, Teng dispatched teams of propagandists in advance of the armies to mobilize the support of the peasants and to investigate peasant conditions as a preliminary step toward agrarian reforms in accordance with Sun Yat-sen's economic doctrine of equalization of land holdings. Teng demonstrated great skill in mass agitation and political organization, and he played a prominent part in the political warfare that contributed to the rapid succession of military victories won by the Northern Expedition in Hunan and Hupeh. With the assistance of Teruni, a Russian adviser attached to the general political department, Teng also acted as chief liaison officer between Chiang Kai-shek and his field commanders, especially T'angSheng-chih (q.v.), the commander of the Eighth Army. As the National Revolutionary Army advanced steadily against the opposing forces of Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.) in Hunan and Hupeh, Teng was virtually the deputy of Chiang Kai-shek in directing military operations, and during the siege of Wuchang, he personally supervised the assault upon the walls of the city. While the offensive against Wuchang was still under way, Chiang appointed Teng chairman of the Hupeh political affairs committee, sharing authority in that province with Ch'en Kung-po (q.v.). After the capture of Wuchang on 10 October, Chiang sent Teng a telegram urging the speedy establishment of the political administration of Hupeh province in consultation with T'ang Sheng-chih.

Up to the conclusion of the military campaigns in Hupeh late in 1926, it appears that close, even cordial, relations were maintained between Chiang Kai-shek and Teng Yen-ta. Teng was able to keep Chiang informed of the activities of T'ang Sheng-chih, who had become the most powerful Nationalist commander on the central front and whom Chiang suspected of independent political ambitions. Toward the end of 1926, however, relations between Chiang and Teng became more strained as growing tension arose between the Kuomintang leaders at Nanchang, headed by Chiang Kai-shek, and those members of the Kuomintang, including Teng Yen-ta, who had set up their headquarters at Wuhan.

Three initial points of disagreement between these two factions were collaboration with Communists, the location of the new capital, and the future military strategy of the Northern Expedition. Following the capture of Wuchang, Teng Yen-ta had flown to Canton to press for the immediate transfer of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee to Wuhan. Teng was a member of the joint session, chaired by Hsu Ch'ien (q.v.), of the Central Executive Committee and the National Government Council, established on 13 December 1926 to function as a temporary government until the National Government and Kuomintang organs were transferred from Canton to Wuhan. However, after the party and government staff arrived at Nanchang on 31 December, Chiang Kai-shek decided that the temporary capital should be located at Nanchang. This political disagreement was heightened by conflict over the military strategy proposed by the party leaders at Nanchang. At a conference ofmilitary commanders held at Nanchang on 1 January 1927 Teng Yen-ta, speaking for the Wuhan leaders, vigorously opposed Chiang's plan to move the Nationalist forces against Nanking and Shanghai instead of pushing directly north toward Peking.

As the Nanchang-Wuhan controversy deepened during the early months of 1927, Teng Yen-ta emerged as one of the most influential leaders of the Kuomintang-Communist coalition at Wuhan. After the third plenary session of the Kuomintang's Central Executive Committee, held in Hankow on 10-17 March 1927, the left wing gained ascendancy over Chiang Kai-shek's faction. Teng, retaining his post as head of the general political department, was elected to full membership on the Central Executive Committee and was appointed head of the peasant department of the Kuomintang and a member of the presidium of the reconstituted Military Council. At the end of March, he also was named head of the new Wuhan branch of the Central Political-Military Academy.

As the split between Chiang Kai-shek and the Wuhan regime developed into an open test of strength, Chiang summoned an emergency meeting of the Kuomintang Central Supervisory Committee in Shanghai on 2 April, which decided to launch a "party purification movement" against the Communist and other left-wing leaders of the Kuomintang. Teng Yen-ta was singled out for criticism by Chiang, who, in a "proclamation closing the general political department," accused Teng of packing the department with men who wished to destroy the national revolution. In the following months, documents issued by the government established by Chiang at Nanking in April charged Teng with subverting the Wuhan regime under the Russian adviser Borodin's direction and referred to Teng as the leading exponent of Lenin's policy of armed insurrection by the workers and peasants.

Early in July 1927 the Chung-yang jih-pao [central daily news] at Wuhan carried an article by Teng Yen-ta in which he branded Chiang Kai-shek and Tai Chi-t'ao (q.v.) as traitors to Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles and called for a punitive expedition against Chiang and "all reactionary elements." By this time, however, many members of the Kuomintang left wing in Wuhan, then headed by Wang Ching-wei (q.v.), had begun to seek a rapprochement with the Nanking regime. One reason for this action was that Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.), who held the balance of power in China, had decided to support Chiang. At an informal meeting of the presidium of the Military Council in Wuhan, it was decided to expel the Communists from the Kuomintang. Vigorously protesting this decision, Teng Yen-ta resigned immediately from his posts as head of the general political department and the peasant department. He publicly denounced the Wuhan leaders for compromising with Chiang Kaishek and for distorting the Three People's Principles.

Throughout this period, Teng Yen-ta had supported Sun Yat-sen's policies of cooperation with the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communists. He had worked closely with his Russian adviser, Teruni, and many of his colleagues and proteges had been Communists. He appears to have adopted Communist techniques and policies of indoctrination and mass organization of peasants. Moreover, his political pronouncements of mid- 192 7 —calling for social revolution against "exploiters and the ruling class" and urging the founding of a socialist state—revealed the influence on him of Marxism-Leninism. Despite his close connections with Communist personnel and doctrine, however, Teng Yen-ta's principal allegiance was to Sun Yat-sen's ideal of national revolution and the Three People's Principles. He regarded Chiang Kai-shek's policies as a betrayal of what he believed to be Sun's political and social ideals, but he also came to view with disfavor certain activities of the Communists at Wuhan. He came to suspect that the Communist policies of political agitation, which threatened to disrupt the vital economic life of the Wuhan cities, were determined less by the national interests of China than by the interests of the Comintern and the Soviet Union. Confronted with the open break between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist party, and the impending collapse of an independent left wing of the Kuomintang, Teng began to consider a new possibility: the creation of a third party which would integrate the economic and social ideals of the two existing major parties within the context of Sun Yatsen's theories. Teng Yen-ta left Wuhan in the early summer of 1927. Disguised as a laborer, he proceeded on foot along the Peking-Hankow rail line to Chengchow and then moved westward into Shensi. After reaching T'ungkuan, he joined the automobile caravan which was taking Borodin and other Soviet advisers back to Moscow. Teng arrived at Moscow on 15 August 1927. He was welcomed by delegates of the Third International, and on 1 7 August he was invited to lecture on the "Origins of the Recent Grave Situation in the Chinese Revolution." Teng stated that although the Chinese people welcomed the friendly assistance of the Third International, the Chinese revolution was an entirely Chinese affair and should not be shaped to serve the purposes of the Comintern. The Communist revolution, he argued, applied only to the capitalist nations of Western Europe. In China, a feudal, semi-colonial country, the revolution would be prolonged indefinitely unless the problems of agrarian reform were solved. These views found little favor with Stalin, and Teng secretly left the Soviet Union for Berlin after making a brief visit to the Caucasus.

Despite his disagreements with Nanking, Teng Yen-ta regarded himself as an orthodox member of the Kuomintang. On 1 November 1927 he issued a formal manifesto urging his colleagues in China to organize a provisional action committee of the Kuomintang to function as the legitimate heir to Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary mission and to expose the political heresies of the "spurious" Kuomintang organization at Nanking. In the summer of 1928 he made a trip to Spitsbergen and there turned to a more prosaic itinerary, embarking on a tour to study social and economic conditions in a variety of countries. Between 1928 and 1930 he visited Scandinavia, England, France, Austria, and Italy, as well as Poland, Lithuania and Hungary. In February 1930 he visited Bulgaria, and he later reported that the period he spent there was the happiest of his European sojourn. He considered Bulgaria a worthy model for the future development of China and urged Chinese students to spend time there. After visiting Turkey, Iraq, and India, he arrived at Shanghai in May 1930.

Teng Yen-ta immediately began to work with the so-called Kuomintang provisional central action committee, which had been established at Shanghai in 1928 by a small group of Teng's former associates at Shanghai. Although the affairs of this group had been managed by Chi Fang and others at Shanghai, Teng Yen-ta had been considered its leader since its inception. After T'an P'ing-shan (q.v.) and other former Communists had attempted to reorganize the group into a new party, some of Teng's followers had sent telegrams to Germany urging him to return to China and assume personal direction of the movement. Upon his return to China in 1930, Teng reorganized his forces and drafted a new political program. An organizational conference on 1 September adopted the program, elected a 25-member central executive committee, and issued a manifesto announcing the formation of a new party called the Provisional Action Committee of the Kuomintang. Two weeks later, Teng issued a public statement accusing the Kuomintang at Nanking of betraying the people of China and of becoming the tool of the militarists, bureaucrats, landlords, and financiers. In the same document he criticized the Chinese Communist party for subservience to the Comintern, citing the Canton Commune of December 1927 and the attack on Changsha of July 1930 as instances in which the Chinese Communists had sacrificed the success of the Chinese revolution to the interests of the Soviet Union. He reiterated these charges in an introduction to the new party organ, Ko-ming hsing-tung [revolutionary action].

As the leader of the Third party, as the Provisional Action Committee generally was called, Teng Yen-ta devoted much of his time to writing political essays. The purpose of the Third party, according to Teng, was to carry forward the revolution begun by Sun Yat-sen so that it would become a truly national revolution. It should be a thoroughgoing social upheaval supported by all the "common citizens" [p'ing-min] of China, including the oppressed and exploited elements of the lower middle class. The goal of the revolution was the creation of a socialist state which, through a planned national economy and a policy of land nationalization, would strive to solve the agrarian problem. Although Teng shared some of these aims with the Chinese Communist party, he strongly opposed the concepts of class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Because of his outspoken criticism of Chiang Kai-shek and his political activities, Teng Yenta incurred the bitter animosity of the Nationalist authorities in Nanking. In 1931 he further angered them by supporting the secessionist movement at Canton. On 1 7 August 1931 Teng was arrested in the International Settlement at Shanghai and was extradited to Nanking. After some months of imprisonment, he was tried by a military tribunal on charges of treason. On 29 November 1931 he was executed near Nanking. Teng Yen-ta left a political legacy of essays and pronouncements which were collected by his followers and published in a memorial volume entitled Teng Tse-sheng hsien-sheng chi-nien chi. Chang Po-chun (q.v.) succeeded him as head of the Third party, which in 1947 became the China Peasants and Workers Democratic party. It was one ofthe minor parties which participated in the establishment of the Central People's Government at Peking in the autumn of 1949. A special meeting to commemorate the "thirtieth anniversary of the murder" of Teng Yen-ta was held at Peking on the evening of 28 November 1961, with such notables as Chou En-lai and Soong Ch'ing-ling in attendence. Peking's official appraisal of Teng Yen-ta said: "A supporter of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's program of the bourgeois democratic revolution, Teng Yen-ta made certain contributions to the cause of the Chinese People's Revolution." Teng Ying-ch'ao

Biography in Chinese

邓演达
字,泽生

邓演达(1895—1931.11.29),北伐时国民革命军政治部主任。1927年后开始反对蒋介石的领导,1930年组织国民党临时行动委员会,人称第三党。1931年以叛国罪被国民党处决。

邓演达,广东惠州人,十二岁时进黄埔陆军小学,后来的一些将领如薛岳、叶挺亦在那里受训。邓是班上最年幼的学生,但是他的勇敢精神不久受到教育长邓铿的注意。

1911年民国革命爆发,他中断了军事教育,投身姚雨平的革命军。1912年民国成立,他又回广州,进了广东短期军校,于1914年毕业。1914—16年进武昌陆军第二预备学校,1916—19年进了保定军官学枝,1919年在徐树铮的西北边防军当见习军官。

此时,邓铿已升任陈炯明粤军的参谋长,粤军司令部设在闽南漳州,1920年,邓铿召邓演达来漳州指挥一个小部队。10月,粤军重占广州,邓铿任改组后的粵军第一师师长,以邓演达为师部参谋、步兵营营长。

1921年底,邓演达营担任桂林孙逸仙前线司令部警卫。1922年3月,邓铿在广州被刺,除炯明力图重新独掌广东大权,孙逸仙逃往上诲。邓演达和张发
奎、陈济棠协力保持第一师的完整性使之成为支持孙逸仙反对陈炯明的有力部队。1922年冬,第一师和滇、桂军合作驱逐陈炯明出广州,此时,李济深任一师师长,邓演达任该师三团团长。

1923年初,孙逸仙回广州,决定改组国民党,邓演达坚决支持与共产党合作的政策和设立军校的决定。1924年1月,孙逸仙任命邓为筹备黄埔军校的七人委员之一。5月,军校成立后,李济深任训练部主任,邓为副主任。因此邓在实施军校最初的训练计划,向学生灌输爱国主义和政治纪律中起了重要作用。他对革命事业的干劲和热忱使他在军狡学生中享有盛名,但却遭到了教导部主任王柏龄等入的敌视。1924年麻或1925年初,邓突然辞职去德国。

邓在柏林认识了朱徳、高语罕等共产党人,经常开会学习讨论马克思主义理论。他经苏联回国,赶上参加了1926年I月召开的国民党第二次全国代表大会,在会上当选为中共候补执行委员。他应蒋介石之邀回黄埔军校任教育长。3月20日蒋介石在广州制造中山舰事件时,邓演达与一些中国共产党代表一起被捕,不久获释,调到韶州,主持军校的分校。

不到几个月,邓又被召回广州,担任他一生中最宣要的职务,国民革命军总司令部政治部主任。1926年夏,北伐开始,邓先派出军队宣传队,动员农民支持北伐,并调査农村情况作为实行孙逸仙提出的改革农村平均地权等主张的中行步骤。邓演达很有鼓动群众和进行政治组织的才能,他在当时的政冶斗争中起了卓越的作用,这个政治斗争促使北伐军在湖南和湖北迅速取得军事胜利。他得到政治部俄国顾问铁罗尼的帮助,还充任蒋介石的前线指挥官,以及与第八军军长唐生智之间的首席联络官。国民革命军在进攻两湖吴佩孚的军队时,邓实际上成了蒋介石指挥军事作战的副手。在围攻武昌时,他还亲临督战攻城。攻城尚在进行中,蒋介石就已任命邓为湖北政务委员会主席,与陈公博共同负责湖北事宜。10月10日攻占武昌后,蒋介石急电邓,叫他与唐生智磋商迅速成立湖北省政府。

1926年底,湖北的战争结束,蒋介石和邓演达之间的关系仍然密切而诚挚,邓经常向蒋介石反映唐生智的活动情况,唐是国民党中部战线上最有势力的司令官,蒋介石怀疑他有独树一帜的政治野心。1926年底,南昌国民党人和在武汉建立了总部的国民党人之间的关系日趋紧张,前者以蒋介石为首,后者包括邓演达在内,于是邓和蒋之间的关系也紧张起来了。

两派不和的三个基本点是:与共产党合作、新首都所在地和今后北伐的方针等问题。武昌攻克后,邓演达赶回广州催促把国民党中央执行委员会迁到武 汉。1926年12月13日中央执行委员会、国民政府委员会举行联席会议,决定在国民政府和国民党机构从广州迁往武汉前,代行政府职权,徐谦主持了这次联席会议,邓演达是会议成员。但是,12月31日,党政官员到南昌后,蒋介石决定以南昌为临时首都,同时,南昌党部首领提出的军事战略也引起冲突,于是分歧加剧了。1927年1月I日,南昌召开军官会议,邓代表武汉方面发言,反对蒋介石将部队由北上直趋北京改为攻打南京和上海。

1927年开头几个月中,南昌武汉之间的争执加深了,邓以武汉国共合作最有影响的领袖的形象出现。1927年3月10日到17日,在汉口召开国民党中执委三次全会后,左派势力超过了蒋介石那一派。邓保留了政治部主任之职,还被选为中央执行委员会正式委员,并任国民党农民部长和重新组成的中央军事委员会主席团成员。3月底,又兼任武汉中央军事政治学校负责人。

蒋介石和武汉政府之间的分歧发展成为公开的实力较量。4月2日,蒋介石在上海召开中央监察委员会紧急会议,决定“清党”,反对国民党内的共产党人及其他左派首领。蒋介石指名批评邓演达,在“封闭政治部的布告中”,指控邓将一些企图破坏国民革命的人塞进政治部。5月,蒋介石于4月间建立的南京政府公布文件,指责邓根据俄国顾问鲍罗庭的指示破坏武汉政府,并说邓倡寻实行列宁的工农武装暴动的政策。

1927年7月,邓演达在武汉《中央日报》上发表文章,申斥蒋介石、戴季陶,称他们是孙逸仙三民主义的叛徒,号召对蒋及“一切反革命分子”进行讨伐。当时,以汪精卫为首的武汉不少国民党左派谋求同南京政府和解,理由之一是拥有举足轻重地位的冯玉祥已决定支持蒋介石。在武汉的军事委员会主席团一次非正式会议上决定将国民党内的共产党开除出党。邓强烈反对这个决议,当即辞专政治部主任及农民部长之职,公开谴责武汉首领和蒋介石妥协并曲解三民主义。

在此期间,邓演达仍然支持孙逸仙联俄联共的政策,和俄国顾问密铁罗尼密切合作,他的同事和部属仍有不少共产党看来他接受了共产党有关教育农民,组织农民的办法和政策。此外,1927年中,他发表政治宣言,号召进行反对“剥削者和统治阶级”的社会革命,建立社会主义国家,这反映他受了马列主义形响。尽管邓和共产党人及其学说关系密切,但他主要还是忠于孙逸仙的国民革命理想和三民主义,他认为蒋介石的政策已背叛了孙逸仙的政治社会思想,但他对武汉一些共产党人的某些活动亦有所不满。他开始怀疑共产党人政治鼓动的政策更多取决于共产国际和苏联的利益,而不是中国的民族利益,这个政策预示着要破坏武汉的经济生活。面对着国共公开决裂、独立的国民党左派行将瓦解的形势,邓开始考虑另谋出路:建立一个第三党,在孙逸仙理论主张的范围内,将现有的两大党的经济、社会理想融为一体。

1927年初夏,邓离开武汉,乔装成工人,沿京汉路步行到郑州,然后去陕 西。他到潼关,遇到鲍罗庭及其他苏联顾问回莫斯科的汽车车队,1927年8月15日他到达莫斯科,受到第三国际代表的欢迎,8月17日应邀作了《中国革命目前危机的根源》的报告,他说中国人民虽然欢迎第三国际的友好支援,中国革命却完全是中国的事,不能为共产国际的目的而效力。他又说,共产主义运动只适用于西欧资本主义国家,而中国是一个封建半道民地国家,如农民问题不得解决,革命将无限期地延长下去,这些见解,斯大林很少同意,因此邓在高加索作了短暂访问后就秘密离开莫斯科去柏林。

邓演达虽和南京有分歧,但他自认为是国民党的正统派。1927年11月1日,他发表正式宣言,敦促国内同人组织国民党临时行动委员会,继承孙逸仙的革命遗志,揭露南京“假”国民党的政治异端。1928年夏,他去斯匹兹卑根岛旅行,然后又访问许多国家考察社会和经济倩况。1929—1930年,他访问了斯堪的那维亚、英国、法国、奥地利、意大利、波兰、立陶宛、匈牙利。1930年2月他访问保加利亚,以后他在报告中说,在保加利亚度过的日子是欧洲之行中最愉快的,他认为保加利亚是谋求未来发展的中国最值得学习的榜样,中国学生应该到那里去学习.以后,他又访问了土耳其、伊拉克、印度,于1930年5月回到上海。

邓演达当即开始同国民党临时行动委员会一起工作,这是他的一些手下人在1928年于上海成立的,这个组织的事务虽由在上海的季方等人办理,但邓演达从一开始就被当作领抽。当谭平山等前共产党人计划把这个团体改建成为政党时,邓的某些追随者就致电邓演达,请他由德国回国亲自指导这个活动。1930年邓回国后,重新组织了他的力量,起草了新的政纲,9月1日召开成立大会,通过政纲,选出由二十五人组成的中央执行委员会,发表宣言,宣布新党成立,定名为国民党临时行动委员会。两周后,邓发表公开声明,谴责南京国民党背叛中国人民,成了军阀、官僚、地主和银行家的工具。宣言又批评共产党屈从共产国际,并举1927年12月的广州公社、1930年7月攻打长沙为例,说明共产党为了苏联利益而牺牲了中国革命的胜利。他还在新党的机关报《革命行动》的发刊词中重申了这些指责。

国民党临时行动委员会被人们通称为第三党。邓演达作为该党领袖,用很多时间撰写政治论文,他说该党的目的是继承孙逸仙开创的革命,使之成为真正的国民革命,它需要经历一个得到所有中国“平民”,包括被压迫被剥削的中下层阶级支持的彻底的社会大变动。革命的目的是要建立一个社会主义国家,实行计划经济和土地国有政策解决农村问题。邓的这些主张虽与共产党有某些共同之处,但他坚决反对阶级斗争和无严阶级专政的观点。

由于邓公开批评蒋介石以及邓自己所从事的政拾活动,他引起南京国民党当局的极端仇视,I931年他又因支持广州的分裂活动而更加激怒了他们。8月17日他在上海公共租界被捕,随即引渡到南京。监禁几个月后,被军事法庭以叛国罪进行审判,1931年11月29口在南京附近被处决。

邓演达遗有许多政治论文和宣言,由他的信从者编印出版,题为《邓泽生先生纪念集》。章伯钧继他任第三党领袖,1947年改为中国工农民主党。1949年秋,它是参加在北京筹建中央人民政府的几个小党之一。1961年11月28日夜,北京举行了邓演达“殉难三十周年纪念会”,周恩来、宋庆龄这样一些著名人士都出席了。北京官方在对邓演达所作的评价中说道,他“支持孙中山先生的资产阶级民主革命纲领,为中国人民革命事业作出了贲献”。

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