Demuchukedonglupu

Name in Chinese
Demuchukedonglupu
Name in Wade-Giles
Demchukdonggrub
Related People

Biography in English

Demchukdonggrub (1902-), MongoUan prince of the West Sunid Banner, was known in China as Te Wang. He led the movement to secure autonomy for Inner MongoHa.

The son of a jassak [prince] of the West Sunid Banner of Mongoha, Te Wang was born in the territory of the Sihngol League in Inner MongoUa. He was educated at a Chinese middle school in Suiyuan province and at the Mongolian-Tibetan Academy in Peking. In 1919 he succeeded his father as West Sunid jassak, and in 1921 he became a deputy chieftain of the Silingol League. He also was a leading figure in a nationalist group known as the Young Mongols. Most of the members of this group had been educated in China, and they hoped to establish a self-determined Inner Mongolian government within the framework of the Chinese Nationalist system. After the establishment of the Mongolian People's Republic in Outer Mongolia, another Inner Mongolian nationalist group, the Inner Mongolian People's Revolutionary party, was formed in 1925. Its aim was self-determination through revolution.

When the National Government was established at Nanking in 1928, Te Wang and his reformist group hoped that the right of selfdetermination promised the minority peoples of China in Sun Yat-sen's Principles for Xational Construction would be granted. The National Government, however, developed a Mongol policy that did little to provide increased political rights for the Mongols of Inner Mongolia. Rather, it transformed the so-called special districts which made up Inner Mongolia into three new provinces—Chahar, Suiyuan, and Ninghsia. At the same time, it encouraged Chinese colonization of Mongol grazing lands. In reaction to Chinese political encroachment and economic exploitation. Inner Mongolian nationalism developed rapidly.

Of the Mongol groups concerned, the Silingol League of northern Chahar was least affected by the Chinese policy; very few Chinese colonists entered its territory. Te Wang became the most influential young leader in Inner Mongolia. By about 1930 he had stirred and intensified anti-Chinese sentiment among the Mongols in the entire area from the grazing lands of western Manchuria to the Ordos desert in Suiyuan.

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria in the autumn of 1931 was a new external military challenge to the Mongols. .After the Japanese forces consolidated control in Manchuria, they sponsored the creation there of Manchoukuo, which included three of the six Mongol leagues of Inner Mongolia. Because the National Government made no attempt to counter Japanese aggression, Te Wang and his Young Mongols prepared to defend their territory. As ruling prince of the West Sunid Banner, Te Wang was a commissioner of the Chahar provincial government, headed by Sung Cheyuan (q.v.). The Mongols had learned that they could expect scant consideration of their views from the Chinese proincial governors. In the winter of 1932, therefore, Te Wang led a small delegation of Mongol dignitaries to Nanking to offer proposals for reforming the National Government's administration of Inner Mongolia. The Mongols were virtually ignored at Nanking, however; and they left the capital in anger, issuing a public protest as they departed and another from Peiping on their way back to Inner Mongolia. The manner of their leaving evidently caused second thoughts at Nanking, for the National Government in December 1932 appointed the Panchen Lama (q.v.) to the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission and sent him to Pailingmiao in Inner Mongolia as pacification commissioner for the so-called Western Regions. His mission was to mollify the Mongols so that they would remain loyal to Nanking. The Panchen Lama, however, appeared to give qualified support to Te Wang's proposals for self-government in Inner Mongolia. Te was appointed defense conimissioner at P'angchiang and was given some responsibility for training Mongolian military forces.

In March 1933 units of the Japanese Kwantung Army occupied Jehol, and at the end of April the Japanese occupied Dolonor in eastern Chahar, on the border of Silingol League territory. The Japanese authorities had organized the Mongols of western Manchuria, or Eastern Inner Mongolia, into a new political division, Hsingan, nominally designed to form ture of Manchoukuo. That action brought newpressure to bear on the Chinese and on the Sihngol League. Nanking, for its part, did not respond to the challenge, and, after the Japanese move into Dolonor, the National Government abandoned a plan, previously approved in response to Te Wang's repeated pleas, to expand the Mongol military training program at P'angchiang.

In the spring of 1933 Te Wang and his associates took steps to achieve autonomy. In addition to being prince of the West Sunid Banner, Te was the most influential figure of the Silingol League, whose titular ruler, Prince So, was over 60 and in poor health. One of Te's close associates was Yun Wang (Prince Yun), chief of the Ulanchap League, whose nephewwas a friend of Te Wang and a strong supporter of his demands for self-government in Inner Mongolia. In May 1933 a meeting of Mongol leaders from Western Inner Mongolia was convened at Pailingmiao under the leadership of Prince Yun and Te Wang to discuss the position of Inner Mongolia. Japanese pressure continued. The Tangku Truce of 31 May 1933 left southern Chahar within the Japanese sphere of influence, and the Japanese authorities soon established an autonomous Mongolian district at Dolonor. The Silingol Mongols of northern Chahar were isolated, caught in a pocket between Manchoukuo and the Mongolian People's Republic. A meeting was convened on 26 July 1933 at Pailingmiao to discuss the matter of independence for Western Inner Mongolia. The majority of the Mongol princes were unwilling to declare independence, and the Panchen Lama reportedly exercised a restraining influence. On 14 August, however, the ruling princes of Western Inner Mongolia sent a telegram to Nanking announcing their intention of establishing an autonomous Mongolian government. Prince So's name headed the list of signatories, followed immediately by that of Te Wang.

Huang Shao-hung (q.v.) and Shih Ch'ingyang, chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, were sent to Inner Mongolia to stop the autonomy movement. Shih Ch'ing-yang failed to calm the Mongol leaders, and Huang Shao-hung was unable even to induce the Mongol leaders to meet with him at Kalgan. [ 7 ] Demchukdonggrub The Mongol leaders haci already called a new conference, which met at Pailingmiao in September 1933. From 9 to 24 October, the leaders met to organize an autonomous Mongolian regime in Inner Mongolia. The new government was to remain under the guidance of the National Government at Nanking, but without the interposition of Chinese provincial governors. On 22 October 1933, Prince Yun was elected to head the new regime, and Te Wang was chosen to direct its political affairs bureau.

The Pailingmiao group had sent one of Te Wang's close associates, Pao Yueh-ch'ing, to Kalgan to prepare for a conference with Huang Shao-hung. Nanking then designated Huang to head a special commission to Inner Mongolia; he was assisted by Chao P'i-lien, vice director of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, and by various technical experts. Huang's party left Nanking on 21 October 1933 and, after spending several days at Peiping, arrived at Kweisui in Suiyuan province on 29 October. By that time, the Pailingmiao conference had adjourned.

Huang sent a delegation of ten men to Pailingmiao to talk with Te Wang and his colleagues. Te ^Vang, in turn, sent an emissary to Kweisui to set forth the Mongol position and to argue that the action regarding autonomy was motivated by a desire to unite the Mongols against the Japanese. The two men then exchanged telegrams, without making any progress toward a mutual understanding. Te Wang suggested that the matter was of sufficient weight and complexity to warrant a meeting between them.

On 10 November Huang Shao-hung went to Pailingmiao, and met with Prince Yun, Te Wang, and the other Mongol leaders. Although Prince Yun nominally headed the Mongol group, Te Wang was the chief Mongol spokesman. Te Wang reported that the Japanese had approached the Mongols and had proposed the creation of a "Mongolia" which w-ould control all territory of Inner Mongolia. He noted reports charging that he was negotiating with Japan, observing that, if he had done so, he would not feel it necessary to petition Nanking regarding the matter. Since three quarters of what had once been Mongolia had been lost to Russia and Japan, he said, it was essential to consider immediate steps for the defense of the remaining quarter. Although Huang Shaohung made several concessions, he stated categorically that the National Government could not permit the establishment of political autonomy in Inner Mongolia. Finally, after the Panchen Lama had mediated between the two sides, the Mongols dropped their insistence that they have an autonomous government and presented two sets of proposals to Nanking's emissary. Huang accepted one of these. After Huang Shao-hung and the Panchen Lama had returned to Nanking, the National Government in December 1933 modified the agreement. On 17 January 1934 the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang passed an act that granted the formal framework of what had been agreed upon at Pailingmiao, but omitted the substance. The dispute began again. But this time the Mongols had a stronger bargaining position. P'u-yi was scheduled to be enthroned as emperor of Manchoukuo on 1 March 1934, and there had been new exchanges between the Inner Mongolians and the Japanese. The Mongols then threatened that if Nanking would not accede to their demands, they would be forced to give serious consideration to aligning Inner Mongolia with Manchoukuo.

Nanking repealed the January 1934 act, and on 28 February the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang passed an act establishing the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Council. On 7 March, Prince Yun was designated to head the Political Council, and Te Wang was made director of its political affairs bureau. The council was inaugurated on 23 April 1934, and on 1 May its officers assumed their duties. The arrangement soon proved to be unworkable. The Japanese pressure on Inner Mongolia increased. On its eastern border, Li Shou-hsin, a Manchoukuo official with the title of garrison commander of eastern Chahar, moved his headquarters from Dolonor to Kuyuan. At the end of June, Colonel Doihara of the Kwantung Army made a trip to Inner Mongolia to encourage the Mongol leaders to recognize the inevitability and magnanimity of Japanese authority.

Colonel Doihara was not immediately successful. The Mongols still hoped that the agreement with Nanking would give them the autonomy they desired. But the National Government failed to remit the promised funds for the Political Council and refused to provide arms for the Mongol troops. Then, on 3 September 1934, Nanking agents kidnapped Te Wang's chief of staff in Peiping and shot him, saying that he was a Japanese spy.

By that time, Pailingmiao had begun to interfere with National Government salt traffic and with Chinese trade passing through Mongol territory. The Panchen I^ama continued his efforts at mediation, but, as early as August 1934, Te Wang had begun to negotiate openly with the Japanese. He now told an emissary from the Chahar administrative council that Mongol loyalty was dependent upon Nanking's developing a "definite policy" and taking "appropriate measures to help Inner Mongolia." The National Government, preoccupied with its military campaigns against the Chinese Communists and already moving, under Japanese pressure, toward accepting the establishment of a "friendly" regime in north China, did not aid Inner Mongolia. In November 1934 Prince Yun and Te Wang met with Chiang Kai-shek at Kweisui. However, Chiang at that time was intent on the New Life Movement and other domestic programs, and he gave the Mongol leaders scant encouragement.

In 1935 the Japanese extended their political control of the Tientsin-Peiping-Kalgan sector; in December, the National Government at Nanking in effect legitimized the shift in the power balance in north China by establishing the Hopei-Chahar Political Affairs Council. Te Wang then shifted his allegiance to the Japanese, who had promised the Mongols political autonomy and increased practical support without violent social revolution. Te Wang was not so naive as to ignore the fact that the Japanese had military and strategic interests of their own, but by the winter of 1935 he no longer had any promising alternatives. In mid-January 1936 Nanking charged that Te Wang had sided with "seditious elements" and had proclaimed the independence of Inner Mongolia. On 21 January, Te Wang sent a formal denial of the report to Nanking. However, the Japanese authorities had given Te Wang the mission of calling a conference of Mongol leaders to proclaim the independence of Inner Mongolia. When that meeting was held at Pailingmiao in February 1936, the participants learned that independence from China would make them entirely dependent upon Japan.

Prince So, leader of the Silingol League, whose banner was immediately adjacent to Jehol province, had previously supported Te Wang at the October 1933 meeting, but had warned Te that if his policies gave rise to an "affair," he would leave the coalition in the name of the Silingol Mongols. Prince So now departed, taking eight of the ten Silingol banners with him. He was accompanied by the leaders and all banners of the Ikechao League (located entirely in that part of Suiyuan province under the jurisdiction of Fu Tso-yi, the governor of Suiyuan), and by two banners of the Ulanchap League. At Kweisui, under the aegis of Fu Tso-yi, they established an opposition political council. Te Wang's supporters now consisted of two Silingol banners (one of them his own), Prince Yun and four Ulanchap banners, and the Chahar aimak.

Te withdrew to Tehua (Coptchil). In April 1936 he and his supporters held a congress at which they decided to establish a military government at Tehua and to cooperate with the Japanese. On 28 June they inaugurated the socalled Inner Mongolian Government at Tehua. The Japanese assigned a military adviser to Te Wang and supplied officers to train his troops. Te and Prince Yun then embarked on a program to expand the Mongolian military forces. In mid-August 1936 Te Wang returned to Pailingmiao to wind up the affairs of the Political Council. On 13 August an attempt to assassinate him was made. The next day, he returned to his former garrison headquarters at P'angchiang. His antagonism toward the Chinese National Government had increased, and in September he met with his staff and with Japanese officers to plan an invasion of Suiyuan province.

The Suiyuan campaign of November and December 1936 was undertaken by Manchoukuo-Mongol forces with Japanese assistance in the form of military advisers and equipment. Te Wang served as commander of the Mongolian forces, with Li Shou-hsin as his deputy. The combined Manchoukuo-Mongolian forces numbered aboüt 10,000. The Chinese defense of Suiyuan proved to be unexpectedly strong. The Chinese captured Pailingmiao on 19 November. They seized military stores and documents allegedly confirming that the Japanese planned to extend control throughout Inner Mongolia and even to the predominantly Muslim areas of China's northwest and Sinkiang. On 21 December 1936 Te Wang announced the termination of hostilities. The National Government, in the light of the Chinese successes, instructed Fu Tso-yi, Yen Hsi-shan (q.v.), and Prince Sha of the Ikechao League to establish a new political headquarters at Pailingmiao. Te Wang was designated a national traitor by the National Government. On 18 January 1937 he proclaimed himself chairman of the Inner Mongolian regime that had been established at Tehua in June 1936. With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in July 1937, Te Wang's Mongol cavalry forces went into action with Japanese units. The Japanese rapidly extended their military control over Suiyuan province and sponsored a meeting at Kweisui in late October 1937 which proclaimed Suiyuan's independence from China. The Japanese then established a nominally autonomous Mongol government for Suiyuan to parallel similar Mongol regimes which they had already formed in southern Chahar and northern Shansi. In November 1937 they created a Meng-chiang [Mongolian borderlands] joint committee, with headquarters at Kalgan, to act as an administrative and coordinating body for the three Japanese-sponsored Mongolian governments. In December 1937 the Meng-chiang joint committee became the Mongolian Federated Autonomous Government, with headquarters at Kweisui. Prince Yun was made chairman of that body, with Te Wang as vice chairman and chief of the political affairs bureau. Li Shouhsin became minister of war. The Kweisui regime adopted a new flag and introduced a new calendar, with chronology reckoned from the reign of Chingis Khan. When Prince Yun died in 1938, Te became chairman of the government. In September 1939 the government headquarters was moved to Kalgan. Te Wang then turned over command of the Mongol cavalry units to Li Shou-hsin and devoted himself to the task of sustaining Mongolian interests as best he could.

The Inner Mongolian regime was nominally on the same administrative level as the so-called provisional Chinese government at Peiping. After the establishment of a new Japanesesponsored national government at Nanking in March 1940 [see Wang Ching-wei), Te Wang's regime was brought under the authority of that Nanking government. In practice, however, both before and after 1940, the Mongolian Federated Autonomous Government received its main directives from the Japanese. It was noteworthy, however, that the Japanese continued to keep the Mongols of Western Inner Mongolia administratively separated from those of Eastern Inner ^longolia, who continued to be grouped in the Hsingan province of western Manchuria. Te Wang and his adherents were denied the independence they desired. In 1945 the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communists, the Mongols of Inner Mongolia, and the Mongols of Outer Mongolia all began to jockey for position within the new framework of power created by the demise of Japanese military power and by the entry of Soviet and Outer Mongolian forces into Manchuria and sections of Inner Mongolia. Te Wang escaped to Chungking, but his wife and children were captured and carried away by the invading Soviet-Mongol forces. Te conferred with Chiang Kai-shek about the Kuomintang's postwar plans for Inner Mongolia, but apparently found Chiang no more pliable than he had been earlier with respect to Mongol aspirations. Te was permitted to return to north China, where he lived in retirement in Peiping under the surveillance of Fu Tso-yi (q.v.).

Te Wang remained at Peiping until the end of 1948. Shortly before the Communist occupation of the city, he flew to Tingyuanying in Ninghsia province. There he worked with Ta Wang (Darijaya) in an attempt to mobilize Mongol forces of the Alashan and Etsin Gol Banners to resist the Chinese Communist forces, which were rapidly extending their control of northwest China. Te W'ang then flew to Canton, the temporary seat of the National Government, where he proposed that, in order to strengthen the position of Ta Wang and himself, Inner Mongolia be granted autonomy under Chinese Nationalist sovereignty. He conferred with acting President Li Tsung-jen. They reached no agreement, and Te Wang was merely informed that his petition would be made a matter of official record.

Te Wang was forced to return to Inner Mongolia without the political concessions with which he had hoped to rally general Mongol support for resistance to the Communists. He assembled a force of several thousand men and advanced to a point near Paotow in western Suiyuan. There, however, he was confronted by Chinese Nationalist forces under the command of Fu Tso-yi's lieutenant Tung Ch'i-wu (q.v.). The Mongols were forced back to the mountains near Te Wang's former capital of Pailingmiao, where they scattered.

For several years after ^949 there were no reliable reports of Te Wang's whereabouts. It then was learned that he had crossed the border into the Mongolian People's Republic, where his family was living in exile. Te Wang apparently enjoyed a measure of personal freedom during his residence at Ulan Bator (Urga). HoWever, perhaps after the agreement on economic and cultural cooperation concluded in October 1952 between the Mongolian People's Republic and the People's Republic of China, Te Wang was handed over to the Chinese Communist authorities at Peking and was imprisoned for several years as a war criminal. He was pardoned by the Central People's Government at Peking on the occasion of the Chinese New Year celebrations in 1963, and he was released from confinement on 9 April 1963. In 1964 Te Wang was reported to be teaching at the Inner Mongolian University at Huhehot i^Kweisui), the capital of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of China. Fan Ch'ang-chiang ^ ^ il

Biography in Chinese

德穆楚克栋鲁普 汉称:德王

徳穆楚克栋鲁普(1902),蒙古西苏尼特右翼旗郡王,汉称德王,领导内蒙自治运动。

德王为蒙古西苏尼特右翼旗郡王之子,出生于内蒙锡林郭勒盟。他在绥远一个中学读书,后到北京进蒙藏学校。1919年袭父爵为西苏尼特郡王,1921年为锡林郭勒盟副盟长。他还是一个称为蒙古青年党的民族主义组织中的主要人物。
这个组织的大部分成员都在内地上过学,希望在中国民族体系结构中成立内蒙自治政府。自从外蒙的蒙古人民共和国成立后,另一个内蒙民族主义组织,内蒙人民革命党于1925年成立了。它的目的是通过革命实行民族自决。

1928年南京国民政府成立后,德王等人希望孙逸仙《建国方略》中所规定的少数民族民族自决权利得以实现。但是国民政府的对蒙政策并不给内蒙古的蒙族以更多的政治权利,而将内蒙改为所谓的特别区,分为察哈尔、绥远、宁
夏三个新省。同时,又怂恿汉人侵占牧地。在这种政治压迫和经济掠夺的情况下,内蒙的民族主义运动迅猛发展。

 

在蒙族各党所关心的地区中,察北的锡林郭勒盟受中国民族政策的影响最小,很少有汉族进入该地区。德王是内蒙古最有声望的首领。1930年前后,他在东自西满、西到绥远的鄂尔多斯地区、激起并加强反对汉族的活动。

1931年秋,日本侵占满洲,对内蒙来说也增加了一种新的外来武力威胁。当日本军队巩固在满洲的统治后,在那里建立了满洲国,将六个蒙族盟中的三个盟包括进去。国民政府无意反抗日本的侵略,德王等人准备保卫自己的领土。

宋哲元是当时察哈尔省主席,德王作为西苏尼特旗的郡王,成为省政府委员。蒙族人知道他们不能指望汉族的省政领导人会认真考虑他们的意见,因此,1932年冬,德王率领了一批王公代表去南京,要求国民政府改组内蒙的行
政机构。蒙族代表在南京完全未受重视,他们一怒离南京并发表抗议书,后来又在由北平回内蒙时发表了另一份抗议书。他们的离去,促使南京重加考虑对策,1932年12月,任命班禅喇嘛为蒙藏事务委员,以西陲宣抚使的名义去内蒙百灵庙抚慰蒙族,使其继续向南京效忠。但班禅在一定程度上支持对德王的内蒙自治政府的主张,任命德王为滂江守备委员,并予以训练蒙族军队的一定权力。

1933年3月,日本关东军侵占热河,4月底,侵占在锡林郭勒盟边境的察东多伦,准备把满洲西部或内蒙东部的蒙族纳入一个新行政区——“兴安”,名义上是满洲国这个政治结构中的一个自治单位。这对南京方面和锡林郭勒盟
方面都带来了新的压力,但南京方面对此并无反应。日军侵占多伦后,南京取消了原来同意德王一再的要求在滂江扩建蒙族军队的计划。德王除了是西苏尼特旗郡王之外,还是锡林郭勒盟最有势力的人物,该旗名义上的统治者云王,
年逾六旬,身体衰弱。

1933年春,德王及其伙伴,采取行动实行自治。徳王最亲密伙伴之一是乌兰察布盟长云王,他侄子是德王之友又是他的内蒙自治要求的坚决支持者。1933年5月,西蒙各领袖由德王、云王主持,在百灵庙开会,讨论内蒙形势。

日军的压力不断加大,1933年5月31日塘沽协定签订,察南也沦入日本势力范围,日本当局在多伦成立了一个自治县。察北的锡林郭勒完全陷于孤立,夹在满洲国和蒙古人民共和国之间。1933年7月26日,在百灵庙又召开一次会议讨论西蒙独立问题。大部分蒙古王公不赞成宣布独立,据说这是由于班禅施加了遏制的作用。8月14日,西蒙各王公电南京宣布他们打算成立自治政府,电报以索王领衔,在他之下即系德王。

内政部长黄绍竑和蒙藏事务委员会委员长石青阳被派往内蒙制止自治运动。石青阳未能使各蒙族领袖平息下来,黄绍竑则连劝说蒙族领袖与他在张家口会见也未能做到。

1933年9月,蒙族首领又在百灵庙开过一次会,10月9日至24日,组成了内蒙自治政府,新政府仍受南京国民政府领导,但汉族省行政长官不得干预。1933年10月22日云王当选新政权的首脑,德王被委主持政务局(委员会)。

百灵庙团体派岀德王亲信之一包悦卿(赛音巴雅尔)去张家口,准备与黄绍竑会商。南京指派一个以黄绍竑为首的特别委员会去内蒙,辅佐以蒙藏委员会副委员长赵丕廉和一些专门技术人员去内蒙。1933年10月21日,黄绍竑离南京,在北京滞留了几天,10月29日到达归绥。那时百灵庙会议已休会。

黄绍竑派出了十人代表团去百灵庙和德王等人谈判。德王也派出代表去归绥,表明蒙古的立场,并说明实行自治的目的在团结蒙族共同抗日。两人多次电报往返,但在互相谅解上并未取得进展。德王认为问题相当重大而又复杂,双方实有会商的必要。

11月10日,黄绍竑去百灵庙会见云王、德王及其他蒙族领袖。云王是名义上的蒙族首席代表,主要发言人却是德王。据德王说日本人曾向蒙古人商洽准备建立一个统治内蒙全境的“蒙古”国。他又提到有人指责他曾与日本方面磋
商。倘以此而论,认为他曾这样做的话,那他就没有向南京提出申请这个问题的必要了。他又说,过去蒙古四分之三的地区已沦入俄国、日本之手,因此有必要考虑紧急措施来保卫剩余的四分之一的土地。尽管黄绍竑作了一些让步,
但他断然说明,南京政府不容许建立内蒙自治政府。最后,班禅从中调解,蒙古方面放弃了要求自治的主张,并提出两种方案,黄绍竑接受了其中的一种。

黄绍竑、班禅回到南京后,1933年12月,国民政府对协议做了修改。1934年1月17日,国民党中央政务会议通过一项决议,批准了百灵庙会议所商定的形式,而删除了实质部分,分歧再度出现。但这一次蒙古在讨价还价中较为有
利,因为溥仪决定于1934年3月1日登满洲国皇帝之位,日方又与内蒙重新交往。蒙方要挟说,如果南京方面不接受其要求,那他们将不得不对满洲国和内蒙古的联合一事做认真的考虑。

南京取消了1934年1月的那项决议,2月28日,国民党中央政务会议决议成立蒙古地方政务委员会。8月7日任命云王为委员长,德王为政务局局长(秘书长)。委员会于1934年4月23日成立,各级人员于5月1日就职。

这项协议不久便证明实际上是行不通的。日军对内蒙的压力不断增加,在其东部,满洲国察东驻防司令李守信把司令部从多伦迁到沽源。6月末,土肥原大佐率关东军进入内蒙,促使蒙族领袖们认识日本权力的不可抗拒和宽大。

土肥原的目的未能立即实现,蒙族人士仍希望和南京方面所签订的协议将使他们获得所想要的目治权。但国民政府既未按照约定拨给蒙古地方政务委员会经费,又拒绝装备蒙族军队。1934年9月3日,南京特工人员在北平绑架了德王的参谋长,并将他处死,说他是日本间谍。

此时,百灵庙方面对国民政府的盐运和商务通过蒙境加以阻挠。班禅继续充当调解人。早自1934年8月以来,德王就和日方公开谈判了。他对察哈尔省当局的一个代表团说过,蒙族之是否效忠南京,决定于南京之能否逐渐执行“明确的政策”,并采取“妥善措施以援助内蒙”。

国民政府这时正忙于剿共,它在日本的压力下,倾向于接受在华北建立一个“友好”政权,对内蒙则不加援助。1934年11月,云王、德王曾去归绥会见蒋介石,蒋介石这时正致力于新生活运动和其它国内事务,对蒙族领袖不甚重视。

1935年,日军势力已扩大到天津一北平—张家口地区;12月,国民政府成立冀察政务委员会,事实上正式承认华北形势的改变。德王这时已完全倾向于日本方面了,日本同意他的政治自治,同时又在不引起剧烈社会变动的条
件下,给他以有效的支持。德王并不是天真到不知道日本人有其自己的军事战略利益,但是到1935年冬天,他已经没有其它更好的选择了。

1936年1月中旬,南京方面指责德王宣布内蒙独立。1月21日,德王向南京正式否认这项消息。但是日本方面已向德王提出任务,叫他召集蒙族领袖开会宣布内蒙独立。1936年2月,他们在百灵庙开会,参加者都了解到,脱离中国而独立那就是完全投靠日本。

锡林郭勒盟紧邻热河,盟长索诺木拉布坦亲王在1933年10月的会议上是支持德王的,但对德王说明,倘因此而发生“事故”,他将率全盟离去。索王此时带走了锡盟十个旗中的八个旗。随他而去的还有和伊克昭盟各旗(地处绥
远,在省主席傅作义治下)及乌兰察布盟的两个旗。他们在归绥傅作义的庇护下,另行成立蒙政委员会。当时德王手下只有锡林郭勒两个旗,云王的乌兰察布四个旗及察哈尔的爱玛(部)。

德王迁到德化。1936年4月他和他的追随者在德化开会成立军政府与日本合作。6月28日,内蒙政府在德化正式成立,日方给德王和云王派有军事顾问代为训练军队,开始扩建军队。

1936年8月中旬,德王去百灵庙,办理政务会的结束事宜。8月13日有人行刺,次日即回滂江原来的驻防司令部,他对国民政府敌意更深。9月,他和他的部下及日本方面会商,准备进攻绥远。

1936年11、12月间,满蒙联军在日军顾问及装备的支援下,由德王任总司令,李守信任副司令,计有兵力约一万人。但绥远的中国防御意外之强,11月19日,中方军队攻占百灵庙,卤获大批军械文件,据说以此证实了日方准备扩
充其在内蒙的势力,并进而控制以伊斯兰教徒为主的西北及新疆等地区。1936年12月21日,德王宣布停战,国民政府经此次胜利,任命傅作义、阎锡山和伊克昭盟的沙王在百灵庙另行组成政治总部。

国民政府宣布德王为卖国贼。1937年1月18日,德王自任在德化早已于1936年6月成立的内蒙政府主席。

1937年7月,中日战争爆发,德王的骑兵随同日军一起作战,很快就占领了绥远。1937年10月,日军在归绥召开会议,宣布绥远脱离中国独立。然后日本建立了一个绥远蒙族自治政府,与已在察南和晋北建立的蒙族政权平行。
1937年11月,他们又成立了一个蒙疆联合委员会,总部设在张家口,作为日本包办的三个蒙古政府的管理和协调机构。

1937年12月,蒙疆联合委员会改为蒙古联盟自治政府,首府在归绥。云王为主席,德王为副主席兼政务院长,李守信为军事部长。归绥政权采用新旗和新历,由成吉思汗即位起纪元。1938年云王死去,德王任主席。1939年9月,首府迁往张家口。德王后将骑兵指挥权交给了李守信,本人则专心致力于维护蒙古利益的事务。

内蒙政权名义上和当时北平的临时政府地位平行。自从1940年日本包办的南京政府成立以后,德王的政权就被置于南京政府之下,但事实上,1940年以前和以后,蒙古联盟自治政府主要是听命于日本人。值得注意的是,日本方面
一直把东西内蒙分别治理,东蒙仍属西满的兴安省。德王及其追随者并没有得到他们所希望的独立。

1945年,国民党.共产党、内蒙蒙族和外蒙蒙族在日本军事力量转让,及苏、蒙军队进入满洲及内蒙所形成的新权力圈中竞相争夺地位。德王逃到南京,他的妻儿为苏蒙军队俘获带走。德王会见蒋介石,和他讨论战后的内蒙问
题,但他发现蒋对蒙族的问题,并不比他早先更为容易听取别人的意见。徳王获准回华北,在傅作义的监护下在北平过着退隐生活。

德王在北平一直住到1948年底。在共产党解放北平之前不久,德王飞往宁夏省定远营,他和达王商议,准备动员阿拉善旗、额济那旗的蒙军抵抗迅速向西北推进的共产党军队。不久德王又飞往国民政府临时所在地广州,他提出为
了加强达王和他本人的地位,给内蒙以自治,便于增强他在国民党领导之下的地位。他和代总统李宗仁会商无结果,但他的要求将记入档案。

德王没有得到他所希望的用来号召全蒙支持反共的政治让步,不得已而回内蒙,他要抵抗共产党的意见未能得到支持。他纠集了几千人向绥远西部包头附近某地进军,但为傅作义的董其武部所阻。德王不得不退回他原居的百灵庙
一带山地,部众在那里溃散了。

1949年后的几年中,德王的行踪不详。后来得知,他曾越境入蒙古人民共和国,他的家属在那里流亡,德王在乌兰巴托时期似乎享有一定程度的人身自由。也许在1952年10月蒙古人民共和国和中华人民共和国签订经济文化合作协
定之后,德王被引渡到北京作为战犯入狱。1963年元旦人民政府予以特赦,1963年4月9日获释。1964年据说他在呼和浩特内蒙大学教书。

All rights reserved@ENP-China