Chao Heng-t'i (1880-), Hunanese general and governor of Hunan from 1921-26. As governor he attempted to put into practice the constitutionalist ideas of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (q.v.). A native of Hengshan, Hunan, Chao Hengt'i was born into a fairly prosperous family. His father, Chao Tzu-ying, was a sheng-yuan and had a local reputation as an accomplished poet. After receiving his early education in the traditional subjects at home, Chao Heng-t'i was sent to study at the Wuchang language school. He then passed the government qualification examination for study abroad and went to Tokyo to enter the Shikan Gakko [military academy]. He became acquainted with two young anti- Manchu activists from Hunan, Huang Hsing and Ts'ai O (qq.v.), and on their recommendation he joined the T'ung-meng-hui in 1905. Returning to China in 1908, Chao went to Kwangsi, where he served under Ts'ai O, who was directing the training of army cadets. At the time of the Wuchang revolt in October 1911, Chao was ordered to lead a contingent of Kwangsi cadets and soldiers to fight under Huang Hsing in the Wuhan area.
After the establishment of the republic, Chao Heng-t'i worked in Hunan under the governor, T'an Yen-k'ai, to reorganize the Hunan army. When the so-called second revolution of 1913 failed, Chao was arrested by order of Yuan Shih-k'ai and was sent to Peking. Through the intercession of the vice president, Li Yuan-hung, however, he was released and was permitted to return to Hunan. There he served under T'an as commander of the 1st Division of the Hunan army, fighting in T'an's interest against Yuan Shih-k'ai's monarchical coup and against outside attempts to invade Hunan. After the anti-Yuan campaign of 1916, Ch'eng Ch'ien (q.v.), who had been away in Japan with Sun Yat-sen and in Yunnan with Ts'ai O and Li Lieh-chun, returned to Changsha to command the Hunan National Protection Army. Chao Heng-t'i and other local leaders, however, invited T'an Yen-k'ai, the former governor, to return to Hunan and assume control. In 1918 a military force sent into Hunan by the northern government at Peking effectively blocked Hunanese control. This resulted in the installation of Chang Ching-yao, a Peiyang general of the Anhwei faction, as provincial governor. After the downfall of Chang Ching-yao in 1920, Chao Heng-t'i in that winter became acting governor of Hunan. In April 1921 the provincial congress elected him governor. During the 1920's Chao became known as an active promoter of the lien-sheng tzu-chih, or federal government, movement in China. The application of the system to China had been suggested by Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (q.v.) about the turn of the century. The proponents of this idea held that the vast geographical extent of China and the wide differences among the provinces provided the framework for a system of federal government similar to that in France or the United States. The situation in China during the 1920's gave rise to renewed discussion of the prospects for federalism. If each province were to have the power to make its own constitution and to manage its domestic affairs, the argument ran, regional autonomy could prevent the abuse of power by the central government and internecine wars among the provinces. In Hunan the federal government movement had been initiated by T'an Yen-k'ai in July 1920. When he assumed control of the provincial government at Changsha, Chao Heng-t'i lost no time in making Hunan the spearhead of the movement. A draft constitution for the province, prepared by a committee of 1 3 experts, was then reexamined and revised by a meeting of 1 50 delegates elected from the various districts of the province. After other procedures, the provincial constitution of Hunan was promulgated on 1 January 1922. The constitution set forth a clear distinction between the rights of central and local government and provided for election of the provincial governor by popular vote of the citizens of the province, who were also to enjoy the rights of initiative, referendum, and impeachment. Influenced by Hunan's example, other provinces, including Chekiang, Kiangsu, Shensi, Kiangsi, Szechwan, Kwangtung, and Fukien, announced their intention to prepare constitutions. Some generals, notably Ch'en Chiung-ming and T'ang Chi-yao (qq.v.), supported the movement, as did a number of scholars and political figures, notably Chang T'ai-yen, Hsiung Hsi-ling, Liang Shih-i, and T'ang Shao-yi (qq.v.). In fact, however, Hunan was the sole province to enact or implement its own constitution.
Chao Heng-t'i's original interest in the federal government movement had been essentially practical, since he hoped that it would strengthen his position against invasion. Chao also hoped that the system would allay concern over the dangers of over-concentration of power in the hands of the national government, as had been the case under Yuan Shih-k'ai's regime. In fact, however, the results of the Hunan experiment were not gratifying. The people were not prepared to enjoy the rights and privileges provided by the constitution, and it had to be revised on 1 October 1924 to give more power to the governor. Nor was peace maintained in Hunan under Chao Heng-t'i's jurisdiction. Externally, the geographical position of Hunan made it impossible for Chao to keep that province divorced from the political and military conflict between north and south. The southern regime, based at Canton wished to control Hunan as a channel to the Wuhan cities and the middle Yangtze valley; the northern generals coveted the province for use as a passage toward Kwangtung and Kwangsi in the south and Szechwan in the west. Despite his own affiliation with the Kuomintang, Chao Heng-t'i was obliged to turn for support to Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.) in order to block the return of the forces of T'an Yen-k'ai and Ch'eng Ch'ien from Canton to their native Hunan. War between Chao Heng-t'i and T'an Yen-k'ai broke out in the summer of 1923, and, after sporadic fighting, Chao abandoned the capital, Changsha, on 1 September. After Wu P'ei-fu's supporting troops advanced from the north, Chao Heng-t'i emerged victorious and remained as provincial governor after the hostilities ended in November. T'ang Sheng-chih (q.v.) figured prominently in the 1923 operations, and Chao promoted him from brigade to divisional commander. In 1 924 Chao was drawn into the situation in Hupeh province, where he committed some of his Hunanese troops to an attempt to stabilize the situation. Taking advantage of that move, Wu P'ei-fu consolidated his foothold at Yochow, the gateway to Hunan, and forced Chao into a new alliance with him. Late in 1924, however, Wu P'ei-fu's position as the dominant military figure in north China was shattered as a result of the coup led by Wu's erstwhile subordinate, Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.), and in March 1925 Chao invited Wu to take refuge at Yochow.
In Hunan itself, Chao Heng-t'i and his subordinate, T'ang Sheng-chih, came into conflict between 1924 and 1926. In March 1926 Chao was finally forced to yield his position as provincial governor to T'ang, who then played a key role in the ensuing campaigns of the Northern Expedition. Chao retired to live in Shanghai. The political program represented by the slogan, lien-sheng tzu-chih [federation of autonomous provinces], had helped him to remain master of Hunan province for five years, but the federal government movement had no lasting results. Chao Heng-t'i's rule in Hunan coincided with the notable growth of Communist activity and labor agitation in Hunan. Indeed, aspects of Chao's political rule have been recorded in the present official Communist versions of that party's history, notably because his repressive measures forced Mao Tse-tung, then an active Communist organizer, to flee Hunan twice, in April 1923 and again in June 1925.
Although Chao Heng-t'i's position as an active military figure ended in 1926, he remained prominent in Hunanese politics. In 1946, following the Japanese surrender, Chao emerged from retirement to be elected president of the Hunan provincial political council at Changsha. In 1949, after the breakdown of Kuomintang-Communist peace talks and the massive Nationalist defeat in the Hwai-Hai battle, Chao left Shanghai for Hong Kong. Although never clo^e to Chiang Kai-shek, he later went to Taiwan, where he lived quietly in straitened circumstances. Chao Heng-t'i's younger brother, Chao Chünmai, attended Tsinghua College and continued his studies in the United States after graduation. He later served as mayor of Hengyang in his native Hunan province and, after the Japanese surrender in 1945, as mayor of Changchun in the northeast. He then directed the fisheries management bureau in Shanghai. Chao Hengt'i had four sons: one went to live in Taiwan, two on the mainland of China, and one in the United States.
赵恒惕
字:彝五、夷午 号:炎午
赵恒惕(1880—),从1921年至1926年湖南军人、湖南督军,他任督军时试图将梁启超的立宪主义者的理想付之实现。
赵恒惕,湖南衡山人,出生于一个富裕家庭,父亲赵慈英是一个秀才,有点诗才,在当地颇有声望。他幼年在家中受旧学,以后去武昌语文学堂学习,然后他经公费留学考试及格,去日本进士官学校学习。他结识了两位湖南的反满积极分子黄兴和蔡锷,由他们介绍,于1905年加入同盟会。他于1908年回国,到广西,在蔡锷手下工作,蔡锷当时在培训军官。1911年10月武昌起义时,赵恒惕受命率领一支广西士官生队伍去武汉地区在黄兴部下作战。
民国成立后,赵恒惕在湖南督军谭延闿手下工作,着手改编湖南军队。1913年所谓的二次革命失败后,袁世凯下令逮捕赵恒惕押送到北京,经副总统黎元洪调解,赵恒惕获释并蒙准返回湖南,在谭延闿手下任湖南军第一师师长,为谭延闿效命反对袁世凯称帝和阻击入侵湖南的其他部队。湖南人程潜曾在日本和孙逸仙一起,在云南又和蔡锷、李烈钧一起,1916年反袁运动后,他返回长沙统率湖南护国军。赵恒惕和其他一些当地首领希望前都督谭延闿回湖南重新执政。1918年北京政府派兵进入湖南,以阻止湖南人掌权,结果,就任命了皖系北洋军阀张敬尧为湖南督军。
1920年张敬尧倒台,赵恒惕暂代湖南督军。1921年4月,省议会正式推选他为督军。在二十年代,赵恒惕是一个倡议联省自治运动的知名人士,这是二十世纪初梁启超曾鼓吹过的主张。持有这个主张的人们认为中国地大,各省情况又有很大不同,所以以实行如法美等国的联邦政府体制为适宜。二十年代的中国,重又出现了实行分封而治的议论。这种议论认为各省如能自行立宪处理省内事务,这样的区域性自治能避免中央政府滥用权力和各省之间的相互争战。
谭延闿在1920年7月就在湖南施行省自治运动了。谭延闿在长沙一当上省长,赵恒惕马上把湖南作为施行自治的先驱。由十三名专家组成的委员会起草了省宪草案,又经各县选出一百五十人开会审订。经过多种程序,湖南省宪于1922年1月1日公布。省宪对中央和地方的权限有明确规定,省长由全省公民普选,全省公民有创议权,选举权,罢免权。由于受湖南的影响,其他各省,如浙江、江苏、陕西、江西、四川、广东、福建起而效尤,准备立宪。一些军人如陈炯明、唐继尧,一些学者和政界人物,如章太炎、熊希龄、梁士怡和唐绍仪也起而支持,而事实上只有湖南一省颁行过该省省宪。
赵恒惕之所以从事自治运动的根本目的是很现实的,他不过是想加强自己的地位以抗击外省的侵犯,并想采用自治体制消除全国政府权力过度集中的危险,如袁世凯统治的时期那样。事实上,湖南的例子并不可取,湖南公民并未享有省宪规定的权利。1924年10月1日,省宪进行修订,省长的权力更大了,同时,在赵恒惕的立法统治下的湖南也未能取得社会安定。从外部来说,湖南的地理位置使赵恒惕没有办法使湖南省从南北双方的政治军事冲突中摆脱出来。以广州为根据地的南方政府,想要控制湖南作为进入武汉和长江中游的通道,北方军阀则觊觎湖南想要利用它作为南向两广西向四川的必经之路。
赵恒惕自己虽然是隶属于国民党,可是为了阻止谭延闿和程潜的部队从广州返回他们的家乡湖南,又不得不仰求吴佩孚的支援。1923年夏,赵恒惕和谭延闿之间的战争爆发。经过一些零星战斗,赵恒惕于9月1日退出了省城长沙。后经吴佩孚的援军从北方赶到,赵恒惕才算取得了胜利,11月,战争结束,他又当上了湖南省长。唐生智在1923年的战斗中很出力,所以赵将他由旅长提升为师长。1924年赵恒惕卷入湖北省的时局,他把他的湖南部队的一部分兵力投入去稳定该省的局势,吴佩孚利用这个机会,加强他在湖南的据点岳州的实力,岳州是湖南的门户,又迫赵恒惕和他另行新建联盟。1924年下半年,吴佩孚因他的老部下冯玉祥的倒戈而动摇了他在华北的军事统率地位,1925年8月,赵恒惕邀吴佩孚去岳州避居。
在湖南本省,赵恒惕于1924—26年间与他的老部下唐生智发生了冲突。1926年8月,赵恒惕最后被迫让位,由唐生智当湖南省长。唐生智那时在接着发生的北伐战争中起了重要作用。赵恒惕退休住在上海,以“联省自治”的口号为政治纲领,使赵恒惕当了湖南省的五年主宰,但联省自治运动却毫无结果。赵恒惕统治湖南的时期,正是共产党的活动和工人运动在湖南蓬勃发展的时期。关于赵恒惕的统治情况,在共产党的党史中有所描述,主要是因为他采取镇压手段迫使当时共产党的积极的组织者毛泽东于1923年4月和1925年6月两次离开湖南。
虽然赵恒惕作为军界的头面人物的地位于1926年结束了,但他在湖南的政界中仍然占有重要地位。日本投降后,1946年,他又出现在政治舞台,他在长沙当选为湖南省参议会主席。1949年国共和谈破裂,淮海战役中国民党大溃败时,赵恒惕离开上海去香港。他和蒋介石关系从来虽不密切,但他后来也到台湾去了,在台湾,他无声无息地生活在贫困的境地之中。
赵恒惕的幼弟赵君迈从清华学堂毕业后去美国留学,曾任他家乡湖南省衡阳市市长。1945年日本投降后,任东北长春市市长,以后任上海渔业管理局局长。赵恒惕有四个儿子,一个和他一起在台湾,两个在中国大陆,一个在美国。