Biography in English

Chang Ch'ün (1899-), prominent member of the Kuomintang, was a close friend of Chiang Kai-shek and of Huang Fu (q.v.). As minister of foreign affairs in 1935-37, he played an important role in China's relations with Japan. He served as secretary general of the Supreme National Defense Council (1938-42) and as wartime governor of Szechwan (1940-45). He became secretary general in the President's office in Taipei in 1954.

Little is known of Chang Ch' tin's childhood except that he was born in the Huayang district of Szechwan. After a conventional education in the Chinese classics, he passed an entrance examination in 1906 for admission to a national military academy, the T'ung-kuo lu-chün such'eng hsueh-hsiao, at Paoting in north China. The next year, 40 students from that academy, including Chang, were selected to go to Japan for further study. In Tokyo, the Chinese cadets enrolled in a preparatory military school, the Shimbu Gakko, which had been established there by the ministry of war. In 1907 Chang Ch'ün and his fellow-student Chiang Kai-shek joined the T'ung-meng-hui. After completing preparatory work at the Shimbu Gakko, Chang Ch'ün and Chiang Kai-shek received field training with the 13th Field Artillery (Takada) Regiment of the Japanese Army.

After the Wuhan revolt of October 1911, both cadets left their regiment in Japan and hastened to Shanghai, where they served under Ch'en Ch'i-mei (q.v.). Chang Ch'ün also served as [ 47 ] Chang Ch'ün staff officer in charge of the arsenal department of the 23rd Division, commanded by Huang Fu (q.v.). He became a regimental commander under Huang Fu in the spring of 1912. Chang Ch'ün, Chiang Kai-shek, and Huang Fu became sworn, or blood, brothers.

Because of their services to the revolutionary cause, Chang Ch'ün and Huang Fu were selected to go to Europe for further study. Late in 1912 they and their wives went north to Peking, planning to join Ch'en Ch'i-mei in Japan before embarking for Europe. However, the March 1913 assassination of Sung Chiao-jen (q.v.) by men generally assumed to have been agents of Yuan Shih-k'ai caused an abrupt change of plans. Ch'en Ch'i-mei cancelled the projected European trip, and he and his T'ung-meng-hui associates went to Shanghai to join battle with Yuan. During the socalled second revolution of 1913, Chang Ch'ün served under Ch'en Ch'i-mei in the Shanghai area. After that effort failed, Chang fled to Japan.

After completing his military training at the Shikan Gakko [military academy] in 1915, Chang visited the Netherlands East Indies, where he taught in an overseas Chinese school in Java to support himself. When Yuan Shihk'ai made his final monarchical attempt, Chang Ch'ün returned incognito to Shanghai, where he participated in the anti-Yuan campaign as a staff officer in the Chekiang military headquarters of the Kuomintang. In 1917-18 Chang was at Canton, where he served as adjutant general under Ts'en Ch'unhsuan. He went to Japan to argue on behalf of the Canton regime against a Japanese loan to the northern government at Peking, but his mission was unsuccessful. In 1918 he returned to his native Szechwan, where he served for some two years as commissioner of police in the provincial government and, concurrently, as head of the police bureau at Chengtu. In 1921 he left Chengtu for north China, where his friend Huang Fu had come into favor with Hsu Shih-ch'ang. Chang Ch'ün, despite his Kuomintang background and connections, worked closely with Huang in the northern government.

Through his association with Huang Fu at Peking, Chang Ch'ün came into contact with Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.), at whose headquarters Huang often lectured to senior officers. In 1924 Chang Ch'ün joined Feng's Kuominchun, serving in its Second Army when Feng conducted his campaign against Wu P'ei-fu. Chang then was appointed police commissioner in Honan and chief of the police bureau at Kaifeng. When Feng was defeated by Wu P'ei-fu and others in Honan in 1926, he and his Kuominchun turned to support the Kuomintang in anticipation of the Northern Expedition. Thus, through his temporary connection with Feng, Chang Ch'ün was reunited with Chiang Kaishek, who was commander in chief of the Northern Expedition. When the National Revolutionary Army moved into Kiangsi in November 1926, Chang Ch'ün became the chief councillor of Chiang Kai-shek's headquarters at Nanchang. After the Nationalist forces under Chiang Kai-shek reached the Nanking-Shanghai area in the spring of 1927 and purged the Communists, Chang Ch'ün was placed in charge of the Shanghai arsenal. He worked closely with Huang Fu, who was named mayor of Shanghai, to ameliorate Chiang Kai-shek's relations with local Chinese business leaders and to enlist support, often through political bargains, from influential groups outside the Kuomintang. When Chiang Kai-shek resigned his posts in September and went to Japan, Chang Ch'ün accompanied him. In Tokyo they called on a number of Japanese leaders, including the premier, General Tanaka Güchi, in an attempt to assess Japanese attitudes toward the projected Nationalist advance into north China. Tanaka stated that the Nationalists would be well advised, for the time being at least, to consolidate their position in the south, though he gave the impression that Japanese military intervention was unlikely.

When Chiang Kai-shek returned to China and his military command at the beginning of 1928, the Nationalist forces resumed their push northward. In February 1928 Chang Ch'ün became a member of the foreign affairs committee of the Central Political Council, the new policy-making body of the Kuomintang. He directed the Shanghai arsenal and served as first political vice minister in the ministry of war. When the Nationalist forces reached Tsinan in Shantung province, the Japanese reacted vigorously, allegedly to protect Japanese interests in that area. Chang Ch'ün went to Tokyo and attempted to persuade Tanaka to settle the Tsinan incident through regular diplomatic channels. Chang's success was -Jimited: although the Tsinan incident was contained, basic settlement remained impossible because the Japanese commander in Shantung deliberately misinterpreted the restraining orders from Tokyo. In September 1928, after the conclusion of the Northern Expedition, Chang Ch'ün again was sent to Japan, where he privately informed Tanaka of the forthcoming accession of Chiang Kai-shek to the presidency of the Executive Yuan and appealed for a friendly Japanese attitude with respect to Manchuria—so as not to hinder the unification of China. In March 1929, Chang Ch'ün was elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang. Later in 1929, he was named to succeed Huang Fu as mayor of Shanghai. Chang Ch'ün's tenure as mayor of Shanghai from 1929 to 1931 was marked by efforts at modernizing the city.

Chang also continued to assist Chiang Kaishek in strengthening his position at Nanking in the face of continued threats from dissident Nationalist generals. When Yen Hsi-shan and Feng Yü-hsiang joined forces against Chiang in 1930, Chang Ch'ün and Wu T'ieh-ch'eng were sent to Manchuria to persuade Chang Hsueh-liang (q.v.) to support Nanking rather than the northern generals. Although Chang Hsueh-liang was acting on his own behalf when he moved troops into north China in September 1930, the Chang Ch'ün mission nevertheless helped to save Chiang Kai-shek from possible defeat in the civil war and marked an important step toward the unification of China under Chiang.

Chang Ch'ün believed that China, beset with internal weaknesses and conflicts, should not attempt to fight Japan single-handedly. His resulting unpopularity with strongly anti- Japanese groups in Shanghai was one factor leading to his resignation as Shanghai's mayor in 1931. Chang Ch'ün then served Chiang Kai-shek as a trusted staff officer in the development of long-range policy. With respect to domestic affairs, that policy called for strengthening the position of the National Government and extending its practical control over outlying areas which served as territorial bases for regional rulers or for Communist insurgents. Policy with respect to Japanese aggression called for a flexible combination of limited resistance in cases where there appeared to be no alternative and of local appeasement in situations where adjustment was the only alternative to disastrous defeat. Chang Ch'ün made notable contributions to the implementation of the policy. After serving at Peiping during the winter of 1931, he was placed in charge of the political section of Chiang Kai-shek's field headquarters. The objective was to uproot the Communist Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei base area in 1932-33.

On the recommendation of Huang Fu and Chang Ch'ün, Yang Yung-t'ai (q.v.) became one of Chiang Kai-shek's advisers and exerted great influence on policy. Huang and Yang were key figures in the group of moderate conservatives around Chiang Kai-shek known as the cheng-hsueh-hsi [political study group], sometimes called the Political Science Group (for details, see Huang Fu). After Huang and Yang died in 1936, Chang Ch'ün became its leading representative in the National Government, and his connection with the cheng- hsuehhsi during the 1930's provides a key to his political behavior in public office. Chinese foreign policy was tested severely when the Japanese breached the Great Wall line and began to threaten Peiping, the loss of which would have dealt a severe blow to the National Government at Nanking. Huang Fu, sent to take charge of the political situation in north China, arranged with the Japanese the Tangku Truce of May 1933. Chang Ch'ün went to Peiping to assist Huang and to maintain appropriate liaison with Chiang Kai-shek's headquarters. After the external pressure from Japan was eased, Chang Ch'ün was assigned in mid- 1933 to be governor of Hupeh. He held that post until 1935, while the National Government attempted to stabilize central China. Among Chang's accomplishments in Hupeh were famine relief, tax reassessment, promotion of local industry, balancing of the budget, consolidation of offices and increase in administrative efficiency, selection of qualified magistrates, and the convening of a provincial administrative council.

Renewed pressure from Japan in 1935 caused Chang Ch'ün to leave the governorship of Hupeh. He soon was succeeded by Yang Yung-t'ai. In December 1935, when Wang Ching-wei was forced to resign all official posts after he had been wounded by a would-be assassin at Nanking, Chiang Kai-shek took over Wang's post as president of the Executive Yuan, and Chang Ch'ün replaced Wang as foreign minister. In assuming his new position, Chang changed Wang's policy of no direct negotiations to one of dealing with Japan in the hope of resolving outstanding cases of disputes and of readjusting relations between the two countries. As a prelude to this policy shift, Nanking at the beginning of 1935 had published a long article in the Wai-chiao p'ing-lun [diplomatic review] entitled "Enemy or Friend?" (see Ch'en Pu-lei). As foreign minister, Chang Ch'ün at once approached Tokyo with the prospect of negotiations based on a regional understanding with respect to north China which would take account of the special Japanese position there while leaving the area under the over-all control of Nanking. The favorable response of the Japanese government curbed the efforts of the Japanese military to create an "autonomous area" and eased the crisis between the two governments.

Chang Ch'ün's foremost purpose was to gain time rather than to explore the possibilities of reaching agreements with Japan. In an important speech on 24 May 1936 he stressed that Chinese policy was one of laissez-faire and argued that economic cooperation was preferable to political encroachment by Japan. So far as China was concerned, Chang stated, outstanding problems could be adjusted, not merely as a means of easing the situation in north China, but "with the objective of ensuring peaceful co-existence of the two peoples for generations to come." Chang finally consented to hold formal negotiations at Nanking in the autumn of 1936, though he stipulated that the discussions were to be merely exploratory. In seven sessions with Kawagoe Shigeru, the Japanese ambassador, he shrewdly employed delaying tactics which led neither to specific agreement nor to total disagreement. When the Chinese army scored a surprise victory over Japanese-supported insurgents in Inner Mongolia, Chang took advantage of that development. He declined, but did not reject, numerous Japanese demands on the grounds that both anti-Japanese and anti-Communist activities were domestic Chinese problems not subject to intervention, certainly not by a Japanese government that professed to seek friendship with China. The long negotiations thus ended with no result other than the settlement of two inconsequential local incidents. This diplomatic episode was soon overshadowed by the Sian Incident of December 1936 and the national unification of China. In the ensuing reorganization of the cabinet at Nanking, Chang resigned from his post as foreign minister. However, his policy toward Japan continued to be followed for several months.

When the Japanese military invasion began in July 1937, Chang Ch'ün abandoned his hopes for appeasement or negotiation. His abilities and prestige as a negotiator were soon put to good use in domestic politics. In August 1937 he was named secretary general of the National Military Council, the newly organized policy-making body, with Ch'en Pu-lei as his deputy. In that position, he served as the Chinese government's representative when the German ambassador to China, Oskar Trautmann, attempted to mediate between China and Japan after the Japanese attack on Nanking at the end of 1937. In early 1938 Chang Ch'ün was named vice president of the Executive Yuan in a new reorganization of the National Government, the seat of which had been moved from Nanking to Chungking. Liu Hsiang (q.v.), the governor of Szechwan, died suddenly and mysteriously at Hankow in late January 1938. At that time Chang was director of the Generalissimo's headquarters at Chungking, and the National Government apparently intended to appoint him to succeed Liu, but Szechwan generals indicated rather determined resistance, with the result that Chiang Kai-shek himself had to assume the post of acting governor for a transitional period. In January 1939 Chang Ch'ün was appointed secretary general of the newly created Supreme National Defense Council. He was made governor of Szechwan in November 1940. He held that post until the end of the Japanese war in 1945, during which period his mission was to ensure the stability and security of the National Government's territorial base. In the 1940's Chang Ch'ün was often in contact with the local military commanders of southwest China, the leaders of minor political parties, and representatives of the Chinese Communist party. Even from political opponents, he earned substantial respect and enjoyed a measure of confidence. During the war years, he helped to deal with local Szechwan troops, which previously had not been under National (government control. He worked to improve the provincial administration of Szechwan and took steps to establish local representative assemblies in the province. However, his efforts were not notably successful. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, Chang's role as a negotiator assumed new importance in the context of the developing struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communists for national authority in China. At the end of August 1945, Mao Tse-tung arrived at Chungking for discussions with Chiang Kai-shek. In the working-level conferences, Chang Ch'ün was assigned, together with Wang Shih-chieh and Shao Li-tzu, to talk with the Communist negotiators led by Chou En-lai and WangJo-fei. After some 40 days of intermittent talks, the meetings were terminated as being inconclusive. In January 1946 the so-called Committee of Three—Chang Ch'ün, Chou En-lai, and General George C. Marshall—was established to work toward a truce between the Nationalist and Communist forces. A Political Consultative Conference then was called, with eight representatives from the Kuomintang, including Chang Ch'ün; seven from the Chinese Communist party, including Chou En-lai; fourteen from other political parties; and nine nonpartisan participants. At the first committee session, on 10 January 1946, a truce agreement was signed by Chang Ch'ün and Chou En-lai, but the agreement proved to be ineffectual. After the breakdown of the mediation negotiations in mid- 1946, Chang Ch'ün made a trip to the United States, presumably to broaden his contacts with officials in the United States government, whose aid had become indispensable to the Nationalist cause. Early in 1947 he visited Japan to establish contact with the American authorities in Tokyo and with potentially influential Japanese political figures. In April 1947 Chang was named president of the Executive Yuan, or premier, in a new coalition government at Nanking. Chang's political platform was composed of necessary declarations of intention designed to secure and sustain American aid. He included some representatives of minor parties, though no Communists, in his cabinet to symbolize the abandonment of one-party rule by the Kuomintang. His political program called for preparing China for government based on the new constitution adopted by the National Assembly in 1946 and scheduled to take effect by the end of 1947. His economic program heralded price control, currency stabilization, tax readjustments, land reform, and encouragement of production. However, the post of premier had never been powerful under Chiang Kai-shek, and Chang Ch'un, despite his longstanding personal ties with Chiang, was powerless to implement his platform. With respect to the military situation, Chang continued to hope that, after the hostilities had reached a certain stage, a political compromise might still be possible. However, the military balance grew increasingly unfavorable to the National Government and soon rendered political settlement impossible. Chang resigned the premiership in May 1948.

Chang remained loyal to Chiang Kai-shek and attempted to do what he could to save the National Government from total collapse and defeat. As a councillor in the President's office, he went to Japan in August-September 1948 to confer with General Douglas MacArthur and with key Japanese leaders. In a broadcast to the Japanese people, he emphasized the importance of Sino-Japanese cooperation to promote regional security in Asia. After his return from Tokyo, Chang assumed the post of secretary general of the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang. At the beginning of 1949, he was suggested as a possible negotiator with the Communists, who were then consolidating their control of Tientsin and Peiping in north China. However, he could not serve because he was on the Communist list of war criminals which had appeared in December 1948.

In the spring of 1949, Chang Ch'un flew to Chungking to see if he could secure Szechwan as a government base. He found the situation in the southwest so unstable that salvage action seemed impossible. After the fall of Chungking to the Communists at the end of November 1949, defeat in Szechwan was inevitable. Chiang Kai-shek flew to Chengtu and left to seek refuge in Taiwan in early December. Chiang sent Chang Ch'un to Kunming to attempt to stop Lu Han, the governor of Yunnan, from turning over that province to the Communists. The mission was totally unsuccessful. On 11 December 1949 Lu Han declared allegiance to the Communists. He detained Chang Ch'un until 23 December, when the last Nationalist resistance in the southwest was drawing to an end and after Nationalist military aircraft had circled Kunming and had dropped warnings regarding Chang's personal safety. After his release, Chang went to Taiwan. In March 1950, Chang Ch'un became a senior adviser in the President's office. Because of his many connections with Japan and his experience in negotiating with the Japanese, Chang continued to play a leading role as a trusted adviser to Chiang Kai-shek on Sino- Japanese relations. The Japanese peace treaty, negotiated under United States sponsorship and signed at San Francisco in 1951 without the direct participation of Taipei, terminated Japanese sovereignty over Taiwan. In April 1952 a peace treaty was concluded between Japan and the Republic of China and was signed at Taipei. In his trips to Japan after 1950, Chang Ch'ün stressed Japan's new relations with the Chinese government on Taiwan, the importance of the ties of both governments to the United States, and the common threat to both posed by the Soviet Union. He received a warm welcome when he made an official visit to Japan in 1957 as a special envoy of Chiang Kai-shek, 50 years after he and Chiang had arrived in Japan as military cadets. Chang visited Japan again in 1964 to attempt to smooth over friction that had arisen over the issue ofJapanese trade with the mainland of China.

After 1954 Chang Ch'ün was secretary general of the President's office at Taipei. In 1958 he made a notable speech at Taipei, stressing that life begins at 70. This speech reflected political as well as personal belief, for Chang's credo was intended to convey the impression that the elderly men controlling the government in Taiwan did not intend to disqualify themselves as Chinese rulers. Late in 1965 Chang Ch'ün visited Europe as the special envoy of Chiang Kai-shek to the closing session of the Ecumenical Council in Rome. He was received by Pope Paul VI in a special audience on 8 December 1965, and he addressed a meeting of Chinese priests, including Archbishop Paul Yu-pin, and clergymen from other countries.

Largely through the influence of his wife, Ma Yü-ying, Chang Ch'ün had become a Christian in the 1930's. His early training in the Confucian classics continued to color his outlook, with the result that his personal philosophy was a blend of Confucianism and Christianity. Of his three children, one son, Chang Chi-chung (Teddy Chang) was ordained a minister of the Southern Baptist Church in Taiwan in 1961.

Biography in Chinese


张群
字:岳军
张群(1899—),国民党中的著名人物,蒋介石、黄郛的密友。1935—1937年间任外交部长,对中日关系起了重要作用。1938—1942年任最高国防委员会秘书长,1940—1945年任战时四川省主席,1947—1948年5月任行政院院长,1954年在台湾任总统府秘书长。
张群幼年经历,知之甚少。他出生在四川华阳县,他读了一些儒家典籍,接受了一般教育后,1906年考入在华北保定的中国陆军速成学校,翌年,该校选送四十名学员去日本深造,张群即其中一人。中国学员在东京进了日本军部办的一所陆军预备学校。1907年,张群和同学蒋介石一起加入了同盟会。张群和蒋介石在振武学校完成预备课后,在日本陆军第十三野炮营见习。
1911年武昌起义后,原在日本各营见习的中国士官生离日本赶回上海,投奔陈其美统率的光复军。张群充当黄郛第二十三师军需官。1912年春,张群在黄郛手下升任营长。张群、蒋介石、黄郛三人结拜为兄弟。
张、黄因对革命有功,被选送去欧洲深造,1912年下半年,张、黄携眷同到北京,准备与陈其美在日本会合一起去欧洲。但是1913年3月袁世凯的亲信刺死宋教仁后,他们就改变了原定的计划,陈其美取消了欧洲之行,和同盟会同人回上海,投身反袁斗争。1913年所谓二次革命中,张群在上海随从陈其美。二次革命失败,张群逃往日本。
1915年,张群在日本士官学校受完军事训练后,去荷属东印度群岛,在爪哇一所华侨学校教书谋生。袁世凯作称帝的最后准备时,张群化装潜回上海,投身反袁运动,充当国民党浙军参谋官。
1917—1918年间,张群在广州岑春煊部下当一名副官。他曾去日本,为广州政府反对日本对北京政府的借款进行活动,但此行未获成功。1918年他回四川原籍,当了两年四川省警察厅厅长,兼任成都警察局局长。1921年,张群离四川去华北,那时,他的朋友黄郛深得徐世昌的信任。张群虽有国民党的背景和联系,但他却在北方政府中和黄郛密切共事。
由于在北京和黄郛的关系,他进而与冯玉祥有所接触,当时黄郛常常在冯玉祥的司令部里给高级军官讲课。1924年,张群投身于冯玉祥的国民军,冯和吴佩孚开战时,张群在国民军第二军。以后又任河南省警察厅长,开封警察局长。1926年,国民军在河南被吴佩孚等军阀战败后,他转向国民党,参加北伐。张群和冯玉祥的这一段暂短关系,使他又能和蒋介石结在一起。那时蒋介石是北伐军总司令。1926年11月,国民革命军进入江西,张群成为蒋介石驻南昌司令部的总“参议”。
1927年春,蒋介石的国民革命军到达沪宁地区后实行清党,张群负责主持上海兵工厂。他和新任上海市长黄郛密切合作,通过国民党外的社会势力,进行政治交易,协调上海工商界闻人和蒋介石的关系,并取得了他们的支持。9月,蒋介石辞职,张群陪同他去日本。他们在东京拜会了首相田中大将等日本的重要政界人物,希望从中探悉国民革命军进军华北时日本的态度。虽然田中给人的印象是日本未必会进行军事干涉,但田中认为国民革命军至少目前以稳定南方的地位为妥。
蒋介石回国,1928年初统率国民革命军向北方进军。2月,张群任中央政治会议外交事务委员会委员。中央政治会议,是国民党新成立的一个决策机构。张群除主持上海兵工厂外,又当了第一任陆军部政务次长。国民革命军进军山东济南,日方反应强烈,断然声称要保护该地区日本利益。张群去东京,力请田中通过正常外交途径解决济南事件。张群在日本的折冲成就不大,济南事件虽暂时平息,但根本的解决却并无可能,因为山东的日本司令官有意曲解东京发来的有关克制的训令。
1928年9月,北伐结束。张群又被派去日本。他私下告知田中,蒋介石即将就任行政院长,希望日本在东北问题上保持友好态度,对中国的统一事业不加阻难。1929年3月,张群当选为国民党中央执行委员,不久又继黄郛为上海市长。他在1929—1931年上海市长任内,对市区现代化建设颇有建树。
张群协助蒋介石加强在南京的地位,对付来自反蒋的国民革命军将领连续不断的威胁。1930年阎冯联合反蒋,张群、吴铁城去东北游说张学良支持南京,并反对北方军人。1930年9月张学良以其本人名义进军华北,张群去东北的活动使蒋介石免于在内战中失败,这是蒋介石统一全国的重要步骤。
张群认为,中国困于贫弱和内战,无力单独抗击日本,上海积极抗日的团体对他不满,因此在1931年辞去上海市长一职。张群成为蒋介石制定一系列政策的一名心腹参谋。国内政策方面,其目的是加强国民政府的地位,使国民政府的实际控制权达到被地方势力和共产党叛乱者统治的边远地区。而其对付日本侵略的政策是灵活的两手政策,不得已时略加抵抗,为避免惨败,除调解外别无他路时则争取局部和平。张群对这一政策的实施作了出色的贡献。1931年冬,他负责主持蒋介石武汉行营政治处,其目的是力求在1932—1933年间拔除共产党鄂豫皖根据地。
经黄郛、张群的推荐,杨永泰成了蒋介石的一名谋士,对他的政策起过很大影响。黄郛、杨永泰是蒋介石身边的保守派政学系的关键人物。1936年,黄、杨先后死去,张群成为国民政府中政学系的首脑人物,他在三十年代和政学系的关系,决定了他的政治态度的基调。
日本人越过了长城一线,直迫北平。一旦北平陷落,则将是对南京国民政府沉重的打击,中国的外交政策正经历着严重考验。黄郛负责处理华北局势,1933年5月和日本当局订立了塘沽协定。张群去北平协助黄郛,并与蒋介石的总部保持及时的联系。日本的压力一时有所缓和后,张群自1933年中到1935年任湖北省主席。当时国民政府想要稳定华中,他在湖北所推行的工作有:赈灾、调整税率、促进地方工业、平衡财政收支、巩固机构提高行政效率、选拔县长、召集省参议会等。
1935年,日本的压力再度增加,张群离去湖北省主席职务,由杨永泰继任。1935年12月,汪精卫因在南京遇刺受伤,辞去一切职务,蒋介石代汪精卫而为行政院长,张群为外交部长,改变了汪精卫的外交政策。汪精卫采取一种敬而远之、不与直接谈判的政策,而张群则主张和日本谈判,解决主要争端,调整两国关系。1935年初,南京《外交评论》上发表了一篇题名《友乎?敌乎?》的长文,是这一政策转变的序曲。张群向东京表示,希望把华北问题作为地方事件进行谈判,中国方面将充分尊重日本在这地区的特殊地位,但该地区应属于南京政府的全面控制之下。日本政府对此表示同意,因此制止了日本军方成立“自治区”的计划,两国政府的紧张关系一时有所缓和。
张群的主要目的在贏得时间,倒并不在探测和日本签订协定的可能性。1936年5月24日,他在一篇重要的演讲中强调说:中国的政策是一种放任自由的政策。他又说,就日本而论,它倾向于经济合作,不一定在政治上侵夺,因此,就中国而论,一些主要问题可以加以调整,不仅是为了缓和华北局势的一项办法,而在于“保证两个民族世世代代和平共存的长远目标”。
张群最后同意1936年秋天两国在南京进行正式谈判,他事先约定说,这次谈判只是探索性的。在七次会谈中,日本大使川越茂狡猾地采用拖延战术,既不达成具体协议,也不加以断然拒绝。当中国军队在内蒙战胜日方支持的叛乱时,张群充分利用这个机会,虽未能坚决拒绝,却否定了日本的许多要求,他认为反日和反共都是中国的内政问题,不容干涉,力求和中国友好相处的日本政府当然不应干涉。长期谈判毫无结果,只处理了两件意外的地方事件。1936年12月西安事变和全国的统一掩盖了这一场外交插曲。接着南京政府改组后,张群辞去外交部长,但他的外交政策还延用了几个月。
1937年7月,日本武装侵犯中国,张群放弃了力求和解或进行谈判的希望,但是作为一个谈判老手,他的才能和声望马上很好地用在处理国内政治问题上了。1937年8月,他当上了一个新的决策机关全国军事委员会的秘书长,陈布雷为副秘书长。1937年底,日军进攻南京,德国驻华大使陶德曼进行调解,张群以中国代表的身份参加谈判。1938年初,国民政府由南京迁至重庆,张群在新改组的国民政府任行政院副院长。1938年1月四川省主席刘湘突然在汉口离奇地死去,国民政府准备以当时任重庆行营主任的张群为四川省主席,四川军人表示反对,结果蒋介石不得不亲自任四川省代主席。1939年1月,张群任新成立的国防最高委员会秘书长,1940年11月任四川省主席,直到1945年对日战争结束。这一期间,他的主要任务是使国民政府在四川的据点巩固安定。
在四十年代,他经常和西南地方军事将领、各小党派头目和中国共产党的代表接触,取得了他们的尊敬和信任。在战争年代中,他协助处理与不属国民政府统率的四川地方军的关系,改革四川地方行政,设法成立省参议会。但是,他的成绩并不显著。
1945年日本投降后,张群在国共争夺全国领导实权的斗争过程中,充当了一名新的谈判人的重要工作。1945年8月,毛泽东到重庆来和蒋介石谈判,在实质性会议中,张群、王世杰、邵力子和共产党代表周恩来、王若飞谈判。经四十天断断续续的谈判,宣布休会。1946年1月,成立了张群、周恩来、马歇尔为首的三人小组,商订国共停战协定。当时,又召开了政治协商会议:国民党代表八人,其中包括张群,共产党代表七人,其中包括周恩来,还有其他党派表十四人,无党派人士九人。1946年1月10日第一次会议,张群、周恩来签订了停战协定,但是后来并未实际生效。
1946年中,双方谈判破裂,张群去美国,希望广泛接触美国政府官员,因为美国的帮助是国民政府必不可少的。1947年初,他去日本,和驻东京的美国当局以及有重大影响的日本政界人物建立联系。1947年4月,张群在南京新的联合政府中任行政院长,他的施政方针是决定争取和维持美国的支援。他收罗了一些小党派的代表进入政府(当然没有共产党的代表),借以表示国民党已放弃一党专政。他的政治纲领是准备按照1946年国民代表大会通过并于1947年底生效的新宪法建立政府。他的经济政策是:控制物价,稳定币制,整理税则,改革土地,鼓励生产。但是在蒋介石的威权之下,张群即使与蒋交往深厚,他那个院长身份还是起不了作用的,他无力实施他的方针。在军事方面,张群一直希望双方冲突达到一定阶段,政治和解的可能性总是有的。但军事形势不断朝不利于国民党方面发展,政治解决也不可能了。1948年5月,张群辞去行政院长。
张群继续效忠蒋介石,他尽一切努力拯救国民政府,以免彻底垮台。1948年8月至9月,张群以总统府参事的身份去日本,同麦克阿瑟将军以及日本的重要领导人物会谈。他在一次对日本人民的广播讲话中,着重指出中日合作对促进亚洲地区安全的重要性。从东京回国后,张群任国民党中央政治会议秘书长。在1949年初,他曾被提名为与共产党谈判的代表,当时共产党正加强对天津和北平的控制,但是因为1948年12月共产党公布的战犯名单也包括张群在内,张群未能成为谈判代表。
1949年春,张群飞到重庆考察,研究能否把四川当作国民政府基地,他看到西南局势很不稳固,以此救急已属不可能。1949年11月底重庆失陷,四川肯定保不住了。12月初,蒋介石飞到成都后即去台湾流亡。蒋介石派张群去昆明,希望劝说云南省主席卢汉不要倒向共产党,张群此行全盘失败。1949年12月11日卢汉宣布归向共产党,并拘留了张群。国民党在云南的抵抗力量已全部撤出,但国民党军用机在昆明上空盘旋,并发出警告要求保障张群的安全。12月23日,卢汉释放了张群,他就到台湾去了。
1950年3月,张群任总统府高级顾问。由于他和日本的关系密切,与日本谈判的经验丰富,继续充当蒋介石有关中日关系的顾问。1951年,在由美国主使而又无台北直接参加的情况下,在旧金山签订了对日和约,结束了日本对台湾的统治。1952年4月,日本和中华民国在台北签订和约。张群在1950年以后多次去日本,强调日本和台湾中国政府的新关系,日、台两国政府与美国的联系的重要性,以及两国面临来自苏联的威胁。1957年,张群以蒋介石特使的身份正式访问日本,受到热烈欢迎,当时距张、蒋同在日本当士官生已经五十年了。1964年,张群再度访问日本,企图缓和因日本和大陆中国进行贸易而引起的矛盾。
1954年以后,张群是台北总统府的秘书长。1958年他在台北作了一次引人注目的演讲,他说,人生自七十始。这表达了他的政治目的和个人意图,向人们说明了统治台湾政府的老人不准备放弃统治者的地位。
1965年,他以蒋介石特使的资格访问欧洲,参加在罗马举行的世界基督教会议的闭幕式,12月8日教皇保罗六世特予接见。他并对来自各国的中国籍的牧师和教士们作了一次讲演,参加者中有于斌主教。
张群在三十年代成为基督教徒,主要是受他妻子马玉英的影响。他早年所受儒家教育决定他的观点,但自从入教之后,他的个人思想就混杂了儒家和基督教的影响。他有三个儿子,其中张继忠于1961年在台湾受命为南方浸礼会牧师。

All rights reserved@ENP-China