Biography in English

Liang Ch'i-ch'ao 梁啓超 T. Cho-ju, Jen-fu 卓如,任甫 H. Jen-kung 任公 Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (23 February 1873-19 January 1929), pupil of K'ang Yu-wei who became the foremost intellectual leader of the first two decades of twentieth-century China. A native of Hsinhui, Kwangtung, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao was the eldest son in a family which had been farmers for ten generations. His grandfather, the first of the family to become a sheng-yuan, had served as a district director of studies. His grandfather and his father gave the young Liang his first instruction in the Chinese classics. He soon demonstrated his precocity by becoming a sheng-yuan at the age of 11. In 1887 he enrolled at the famous Hsueh-hai-t'ang, an academy which had been founded at Canton some 70 years earlier by Juan Yuan (ECCP, I, 399-402), where he studied philology and textual criticism of the classics and their commentaries. In 1889, at the age of only 16, he passed the provincial examinations in Canton and became a chü-jen. His performance so impressed one of the examiners, Li Tuan-fen (1833-1907), that Li arranged a marriage between his younger sister Li Hui-hsien and Liang. Liang went to Peking in 1890 and took the metropolitan examinations, but did not pass them. On his way back to Canton, he passed through Shanghai, where he came upon a copy of Hsü Chi-yu's world geography, the Yinghuan chih-lueh, as well as translations of Western works published by the Kiangnan Arsenal. These books made a profound impression upon Liang, who soon became an enthusiastic advocate of "Western learning." After his return to Canton, Liang went with a fellow student at the Hsueh-hai-t'ang to visit K'ang Yu-wei (q.v.), who had recently attracted notice as the author of a memorial to the throne urging far-reaching reforms in the imperial administration. Liang and his friend were awed by K'ang's learning. They became the first of many students at his school in Canton. According to Liang, his association with K'ang from 1890 to 1894 was of crucial importance to his intellectual development. He became thoroughly familiar with the many facets of K'ang's teaching, which included Buddhism and a philosophy of institutional reform based on the Kung-yang school of classical interpretation as well as on Western subjects. In 1893 he became an instructor at K'ang's school. He went to Peking in 1892 and 1894 to take the metropolitan examinations, but failed them both times.

In 1895 Liang went with his teacher to the capital, where he again failed the examinations. At that time, the war with Japan was being brought to an end by the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which compelled the Ch'ing government to pay a large war indemnity and to cede Taiwan to Japan. Liang organized vigorous opposition to treaty ratification among the Cantonese examination candidates in Peking and assisted K'ang Yu-wei in drafting the famous "Kung-ch'e shang-shu" [candidates' memorial], which urged the emperor to reject the peace terms and to institute a number of reforms in the Ch'ing government. During the summer of 1895, Liang served the reform movement as secretary to the Ch'iang-hsueh hui [society for the study of national strengthening], founded by K'ang Yu-wei and others, and as one of the chief contributors to the society's reform newspaper Chung-wai chi-wen. When the Ch'ing government proscribed the Ch'iang-hsueh hui early in 1896, Liang's personal belongings were confiscated, and he was left penniless and homeless. In the spring of 1896 Liang Ch'i-ch'ao left Peking for Shanghai, where he met Huang Tsun-hsien (ECCP, I, 530-31), Wang K'ang-nien (1860-1911), and other reform sympathizers. They agreed to finance a magazine, the Shih-wu-pao, with Wang as manager and Liang as editor. Liang's articles and editorials, which appeared regularly from the first issue (August 1896) until the autumn of 1897, were well received throughout China. In them he expressed his ideas on education, historical progress, and various aspects of reform and Westernization in China. Although generally echoing the views of K'ang Yu-wei, Liang's writings in the Shih-wu-pao reflected the influence of several other intellectuals, including T'an Ssu-t'ung (ECCP, II, 702-5j and the British missionary Timothy Richard, both of whom he had met in Peking; Huang Tsun-hsien, the brothers Ma Liang (q.v.j and Ma Chien-chung (1844-1900), with whom he was associated in Shanghai; and Yen Fu (q.v.), the editor of the Kuo-wen pao in Tientsin, with whom he frequently corresponded. Liang also collaborated with friends in Shanghai in organizing an anti-footbinding society, a school for girls, and a publishing company the Ta-t'ung i-shu chüj. At the invitation of Ch'en Pao-chen {see under Ch'en San-li), the progressive governor of Hunan, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao went to Changsha in the autumn of 1897 to serve as chief lecturer at the newly established Shih-wu hsueh-t'ang [academy of current affairs]. In Hunan he met such reformers as T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang (1867-1900), who was also a teacher at the academy, and Huang Tsun-hsien, the judicial commissioner of the province. Liang joined his friends in organizing a reform association, the Nanhsueh-hui [southern study society]. However, he gave most of his time to the academy and its 40 students, among whom was the future military leader Ts'ai O (q.v.). Liang sought to imbue his students with such political concepts as constitutional monarchy and popular sovereignty, ideas which then were considered extremely radical. The teaching of such ideas soon brought violent protest from the conservative scholars of Hunan. Early in 1898 Liang, who was in poor health, left Changsha for Shanghai. He went to Peking in March to assist K'ang Yu-wei in his efforts to promote reform. Liang worked to mobilize the examination candidates to protest the government's ceding of Dairen and Port Arthur to Russia, and he helped organize a new reform association, the Pao-kuo-hui [society for protecting the nation]. As the reform campaign gained momentum, he was recommended to the emperor and was granted an audience on 3 July 1898. The emperor conferred upon him the sixth official rank and placed him in charge of a newly authorized government translation bureau. During the Hundred Days Reform, Liang drew up a program for the translation of Western books and sought funds and personnel for the new bureau. When the empress dowager took control of the government and terminated the reform program on 21 September 1898, orders were issued for Liang's arrest. Japanese officials gave him refuge in the Japanese legation and helped him escape to Tokyo, where he was befriended by such prominent Japanese supporters of the reform movement as Inukai Tsuyoshi, the minister of education in the Okuma cabinet. In 1899 Liang began publishing a magazine, the Ch'ing-i pao, in which he urged the restoration to power of the imprisoned emperor and attacked the empress dowager and her supporters, including Jung-lu (ECCP, I, 405-9, and Yuan Shih-k'ai (q.v.). The new magazine quickly found favor among overseas Chinese. Despite the censorship effi^rts of the imperial authorities, copies of it were circulated in a number of cities in China. Liang's writings of this period reveal changes in his political philosophy. He had begun to study Japanese and to read Western books in Japanese translation. The influence of such works as John Stuart Mill's On Liberty and Jean Jacques Rousseau's Social Contract soon became evident in his essays. His growing hospitality to the ideas of republicanism coincided with overtures from representatives of Sun Yat-sen, who hoped to win the reformers over to his cause. However, in the summer of 1899 Liang agreed to support K'ang Yu-wei's new monarchist society, the Pao-huang hui [society to protect the emperor], and he became completely estranged from the revolutionaries. During the next few years, he traveled extensively to raise funds for K'ang's organization among overseas Chinese. In December 1899 he left Japan for Hawaü, where he remained until August 1900. He then hastened to Shanghai to take part in the Hankow uprising against the empress dowager's regime led by T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang, but on learning that it had already been crushed, he left Shanghai to join K'ang Yu-wei in Singapore. From there he went to Australia on a fundraising tour, returning by way of the Philippines to Japan in the spring of 1901. Early in 1903, at the invitation of the American branches of the Pao-huang hui, Liang left Japan again for a tour of Canada and the United States. He lectured to Chinese groups in several major cities and visited President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay in Washington. He returned to Japan in November.

Liang's observations of the American system of government and his impressions of the political behavior of Chinese both abroad and in China served to strengthen his developing conviction that China was quite unprepared for the freedoms guaranteed by a republican system and that the salvation of the Chinese lay less in a change of their political institutions than in their own renewal as a people. He had set forth these views for the first time in a periodical which he had founded in Yokohama in 1902, the famous Hsin-min ts'ung-pao [renovation of the people]. In his effort to bring new ideas before the Chinese people, Liang devoted many pages of the new journal to lucid and forceful articles on Western philosophers, historical figures, and political theories as well as discussions of China's traditional culture and its rejuvenation. The Hsin-min ts'ung-pao, which had a readership of more than 14,000 in 1906, came to exert considerable influence in overseas Chinese communities and in China. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's writings in the Hsin-min ts'ung-pao also indicated that his thinking had begun to diverge from that of K'ang Yu-wei. For example, K'ang emphasized the necessity of preserving Confucian doctrine as the basis of China's cultural integrity; Liang, however, began to view traditional reverence for that doctrine as an obstacle to freedom ofthought and the development of new ideas in China. In spite of these differences, Liang continued to aid K'ang in defending the monarchist cause against mounting attacks in publications of the revolutionary party. After the Russo-Japanese war, some influential officials of the Ch'ing government favored reforms in China similar to those which had been instituted in Japan, and in 1905 a mission headed by Tuan-fang (ECCP, II, 780-82) was sent abroad to investigate the practice of constitutional government.' Liang Ch'i-ch'ao secretly communicated with Tuanfang and drafted several memorials for the mission. In the Hsin-min ts'ung-pao he intensified his campaign against the Chinese revolutionaries in Japan, who had organized themselves into the T'ung-meng-hui and had established the Min-pao [people's journal] as the organ of their party. Between 1905 and the summer of 1907, when Liang suspended publication of his journal, a prolonged and bitter battle of words took place between his magazine and the Minpao. After the Ch'ing court announced in 1906 that a constitution was in preparation, Liang organized a political society in Japan, the Cheng-wen-she (founded in the autumn of 1907) to foster the constitutional movement in China. Members of this society circulated mass petitions for the promulgation of a constitution and the convening of a parliament. Early in 1908 the Cheng-wen-she's headquarters was transferred to Shanghai, where the society, headed by Liang's old friend Ma Liang, published the political journal Cheng-lun, worked clandestinely with high officials at the imperial court, and planned the establishment of schools to train members in parliamentary government. These activities aroused the opposition of Yuan Shih-k'ai and other influential officials, who succeeded in having the Cheng-wen-she banned in the summer of 1908. Nevertheless, Liang's colleagues managed to establish contact with members of the newly created provincial assemblies in China by the end of 1909 and to promote the prompt convening of a national parliament in Peking. Early in 1910 Liang began to publish the Kuo-feng pao. He hoped to educate his countrymen in the workings of parliamentary government through articles which discussed representative political institutions in concrete terms. After the Wuchang revolt of 10 October 1911, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao went to Mukden in an unsuccessful attempt to enlist the aid of military commanders in north China in putting pressure on the Ch'ing court to institute genuine constitutional monarchy. When that effort failed, he joined K'ang Yu-wei in supporting the idea of "a republican government with a titular monarch" [hsü-chün kung-ho]. However, the republican revolutionary movement was not to be denied.

With the establishment of the republic in 1912, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao ended his political alliance with K'ang Yu-wei, not only by accepting the new regime but also by taking an active part in its political affairs. Through his journalistic endeavors of the preceding 15 years, Liang had come to be regarded by many of his countrymen as one of the intellectual leaders of modern China. Many of the proponents of parliamentary government looked to him for guidance in establishing a republican national assembly, and on his return to China late in September 1912 he was invited by men of diverse political opinions to join their groups. A further indication of his popularity at this time was the fact that the entire printing (10,000 copies) of the first number of his new magazine, Yung-yen [justice], was sold out as soon as it appeared. Before returning to China, Liang had been in touch with several friends in China, including Carsun Chang (Chang Chia-sen), Lin Ch'ang-min, and T'ang Hua-lung (qq.v.), with regard to the organization of a political party, and in October 1912 he took part in the formation of the Min-chu-tang [democratic party]. In February 1913 he also joined the Kung-ho-tang [republican party], which had already hailed him as its intellectual leader. In the parliamentary elections held early in 1913 Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang emerged the victor, with the Kung-ho-tang as a poor second. With a view to forming an effective opposition to Sun's party in the National Assembly, Liang and his political colleagues arranged to merge the three other major parties, the Kung-ho-tang, the Min-chu-tang, and the T'ung-i-tang [united party], to form a larger organization, which they named the Chin-pu-tang [progressive party]. The new party supported Yuan Shih-k'ai in his struggle with the Kuomintang and supported his plans for a huge Reorganization Loan from an international banking consortium. After the so-called second revolution collapsed in the summer of 1913, the Chin-pu-tang replaced the Kuomintang as the most influential party in the National Assembly and Liang became minister of justice in a new cabinet headed by Hsiung Hsi-ling (q.v.), one of his old reform associates. Yuan Shih-k'ai soon dissolved not only the Kuomintang (4 November 1913) but also the National Assembly (10 January 1914). Liang followed Hsiung Hsi-ling's example in resigning his cabinet post, but less than two months later he accepted an appointment as head of Yuan's new monetary bureau [pi-chih chü]. In June 1914 he also became a member of the council of state [ts'an-cheng yuan], an advisory body created by Yuan to take the place of the National Assembly.

After accepting these appointments, Liang was chagrined to discover that his cooperation with Yuan Shih-k'ai had turned public opinion against him. His enemies, including members of the banned Kuomintang, accused him of despicable opportunism, and his friends accused him of naivete and misguided idealism. Moreover, it soon became obvious to him that his cherished hopes for the reconstruction of China would not be realized through participation in Yuan's regime. His proposals for standardizing and stabilizing the currency and his plans for compulsory education and military service were either deemed unacceptable or ignored. Accordingly, Liang moved to Tientsin and early in 1915 accepted an invitation to be the chief contributor to the Ta-Chung-hua. In his articles for this magazine he worked to arouse public opinion
gainst the acceptance of Japan's Twenty-one Demands by Yuan's government. Liang remained a nominal member of Yuan Shih-k'ai's government until the summer of 1915, but well before that time he had begun to have misgivings about Yuan's ambitions. Early in the year he had been approached by Yang Tu (q.v,), one of Yuan's followers, who had sought to enlist his support of a plan to make Yuan emperor. After spending several months in south China in 1915, Liang went to Peking in June, where Yuan Shih-k'ai assured him that he had no imperial aspirations. However, a campaign to make Yuan emperor was publicly announced in August. Liang, who had returned to Tientsin, denounced the newly created Ch'ou-an-hui, a monarchist society, and attacked its aim of replacing the republic with a new monarchy. Liang had been in frequent contact with his former student Ts'ai O and had joined with Ts'ai in making plans for a revolt against the monarchists. Liang and Ts'ai were supported by Ts'ai's friend T'ang Chi-yao (q.v.), the governor of Yunnan province. In mid- September, some weeks after Ts'ai O had gone to Yunnan, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao left Tientsin for Shanghai, where he spent the next two months attempting to induce other political and military leaders to join the revolt against Yuan Shih-k'ai. Early in March 1916 he traveled by way of Hong Kong and "Haiphong to Kwangsi to win the support of Lu Jung-t'ing (q.v.), the governor of Kwangsi. On 15 March, Lu announced his decision to join the rebels. After Yuan Shih-k'ai relinquished the throne and resumed the title of president on 22 March 1916, Liang and his associates demanded the restoration of the 1913 National Assembly. When Yuan ignored this demand, Liang helped to organize the southwestern military leaders into a military council, which, on 8 May at Chaoching, Kwangtung, announced its intention to act as the legitimate government of the country until such time as Yuan retired from the presidency and public life. After Yuan's death in June 1916 and the succession of Li Yuan-hung (q.v.) to the presidency, the military council was dissolved, and Liang again turned his attention to the affairs of the Chin-pu-tang.

After the National Assembly convened in Peking, the Chin-pu-tang split into factions. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and some of his associates organized the Hsien-fa yen-chiu hui [association for constitutional research], popularly known as the Yen-chiu hsi [research clique]. As the leader of this group, Liang hoped to play an influential role in determining constitutional revision, the formation of the cabinet, and foreign policy. In the spring of 1917 he lent his support to premier Tuan Ch'i-jui (q.v.) in Tuan's efforts to bring China into the First World War on the side of the Allies. He also backed Tuan's successful move in July to crush the Manchu restoration organized by K'ang Yu-wei and the militarist Chang Hsün (q.v.). Later in the same month, he joined Tuan's new cabinet as minister of finance and turned his attention once again to the problem of currency reform. However, the expenditures required to finance Tuan's domestic military policies, together with Tuan's secret loan negotiations with Japan, completely wrecked Liang's hopes for a stable currency. He resigned in mid-November with the rest of the cabinet. By this time, he had become convinced that seeking China's regeneration in the existing political milieu was both futile and foolish. Accordingly, he spent most of 1918 in retirement, devoting himself to study, writing, and planning various educational projects.

Liang Ch'i-ch'ao had long wished to improve his knowledge of the West, and shortly after the end of the First World War he went to Europe in the capacity of an unofficial delegate to the Paris Peace Conference, traveling in the company of such friends as Carsun Chang, Chiang Fang-chen, and V. K. Ting. He arrived in London in February 1919 and spent the remainder of the year visiting the capitals of Western Europe. One result of his travels was a revision of his earlier admiration for Western civilization. For Liang, the war in Europe and its aftermath afforded clear evidence of a- basic social and intellectual malaise in the West which stemmed from its blind worship of science. He opposed Marxism, for he considered it to be as intellectually restricting as Confucianism. Because he believed that every individual should be free to develop his own thinking, he adopted the cause of "thought liberation" as one of his chief concerns.

While planning how best to achieve an intellectual and cultural regeneration in China, Liang and his friends in Europe and China organized the Hsin-hsueh-hui [new learning society] in September 1919. That group, which included Carsun Chang, Chang Tung-sun (q.v.), and Chiang Fang-chen, began publication of a periodical in Peking, the Chieh-fang yü kai-tsao [emancipation and reconstruction] (changed in September 1920 to Kai-tsao), which carried articles on a variety of new ideas from Western Europe and Russia by men of widely differing viewpoints.

In January 1920 Liang Ch'i-ch'ao left Europe. Upon his arrival in China two months later, he immediately embarked upon a number of cultural and educational projects. Among these were the Kung-hsueh-she [cooperative study society], formed to promote the translation and publication of important Western philosophical works, and the Chiang-hsueh-she [Chinese lecture association], organized for the purpose of inviting famous foreign thinkers, such as Bertrand Russell and Rabindranath Tagore, to lecture in China. These and other facets of his campaign for cultural reconstruction coincided with and to some extent contributed to the intellectual ferment of the May Fourth Movement, but they were not of central importance to it. Such younger men as Hu Shih and Ch'en Tu-hsiu (qq.v.) had replaced Liang and his contemporaries as the leaders of students and other younger intellectuals.

In 1920 Liang accepted an invitation to teach Chinese history at Xankai University in Tientsin, thus embarking upon a new academic career which lasted, with interruptions, until a few months before his death. He also lectured at Tsinghua University, Yenching University, and Tung-nan University at Nanking and produced such scholarly works as the Ch'ing-tai hsueh-shu kai-lun (1920), the Hsien-Ch'in cheng-chih ssu-hsiang shih (1922), the Chung-kuo li-shih yen-chiu fa (1922), and the Chung-kuo chin san pai-nien hsueh-shu shih (1924), as well as several studies of individual philosophers and historical figures. Liang continued to teach and write until an increasingly serious kidney ailment forced him to stop. He died in the hospital of Peking Union Medical College early in 1929, at the age of 55.

The most comprehensive collection of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's works is the Yen-ping-shih ho-chi, published by the Chung-hua Book Company in 1936. It is composed of 16 volumes of literary works and 24 volumes of monographic writings and testifies to his stature as the foremost intellectual figure of the first two decades of twentiethcentury China. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Li Hui-hsien had five children. The second son, Liang Ssu-ch'eng (q.v.), became a well-known architect. The third son, Liang Ssu-yung (q.v.) won renown as an archeologist. Li Hui-hsien died on 13 September 1924.

Biography in Chinese

梁启超

字:卓如
任甫

号:任公

梁启超(1873.2.29—1929.1.19),康有为的弟子,二十世纪初二十年间,最著名的知识界领袖。

梁启超,广东新会人,是家中的长子。他的先辈十世务农,其祖父是他家中第一个秀才,曾任县督学,他祖父和父亲教他学习中国古籍。梁启超幼时聪颖,十一岁即成秀才。1387年进七十年前阮元创办的学海堂,习语言学及古代经典,1889年十六岁时应省试中举人,主试李端棻对他极为赞赏,以妹李惠仙嫁给梁启超。他于1890年去北京会试未中,回广州途中过上海,读到徐继畲的《瀛环纪略》及江南兵汇厂主译的西方著作,这些书籍给了梁启超深刻的印象,他从此热心宣扬“西学”。

他回广州后,与一名学海堂同学访问当时以上书朝廷请求实行改良而闻名的康有为,他们对康的学识深为钦佩,成为康在广州的第一批弟子。据梁启超自称,他在1890—1894年与康在一起对他思想的发展极其重要,他透澈地了解康有为学说的各个方面,其中包括佛学及以公羊学派的古文经学为基础的维新哲学思想和西方学术知识。1893年,他成为康的万木草堂的一名讲师。1892年、1894年他两次进京会试均未中。

1895年,他与康有为进京,会试又未中,当对与日作战失败,订立了马关条约,逼迫清廷付给日本大量赠款并割让台湾,梁启超联合应试广东举人,上书请求拒绝签订和约,并协助康有为起草著名的“公车上书",请求皇帝拒绝和平条件并进行变法。1895年夏,梁与康有为等人创立的强学会节记员,并为鼓吹维新的报纸《中外纪闻》撰稿。1896年初,清廷禁强学会,梁启超个人财物被抄没,以致一文不名,无家可归。

1896年春,梁离京去上海,会见黄遵宪、汪康年等维新派,共同出资办《时务报》,汪为经理,梁任主笔。该报自1896年8月创刊起到1897年秋,梁每期都撰文或写社论,讨论教育、历史发展、维新、西化等问题,甚为全国读者所欢迎。他虽然主要的是宣传康有为的观点,但也反映了从其他在北京遇到的知识界人士如谭嗣同、英国传教士李提摩太等人所受的影响,他在上海则与黄遵宪、马良、马建忠兄弟联结,还与天津任《国闻报》主笔的严复经常通信。梁与上海的朋友还办了一个禁止缠足会、一所女子学校和一个印刷企业《大同译书局》。

1897年秋,他应思想进步的湖南巡抚陈宝箴之请去长沙在新没的时务学堂任主要讲师,在那里他与维新派唐才常(唐也在该学堂讲学)以及省按察使黄遵宪会合,和他们一起办了一个维新组织南学会,但梁的大部分时间用在时务学堂及其四十名学生身上,其中有未来的军界首领蔡锷,梁向他们灌输君主立宪,民众主权等政治观点,这些在当时被认为是过激思想,传授这些思想遭到了湖南保守学者的强烈反对。

1898年初,梁因病离长沙去上海,3月去北京协助康有为进行维新活动,再次联合公车上书时的考生,抗议政府将旅大租借给俄国,并参与组织新的维新团体保国会。由于维新改良活动盛行,他被人推荐给了皇帝,并于1898年7月3日受召见,皇帝授以六品官,要他经办新设的大学堂译书局事务。百日维新期间,梁启超为译书局拟订译书计划,筹款并物色译书人员;1898年9月21日,慈禧太后童新执政,取消新政,下令逮捕梁启超,他逃到日本使馆,由使馆官员帮助他逃往东京,与日本著名的支持中国维新运动的人士如大限内阁的文教大臣犬养毅等相友善。1899年他创办了一份杂志《清议报》,要求还政于被拘的光绪,并抨击慈禧及其支助人荣禄、袁世凯等人。该报在海外华侨中迅即得到好评,虽由清廷査禁,但仍能在中国国内一些城市流传。

梁启超在这一时期的著作中,其政治哲学有所改变。这时他开始学日文,读西方著作的日文译本,穆尔《论自由》,卢梭《民约论》《社会契约》的观点对他的著作有明显影响。他对共和的思想随着孙逸仙的代表们争取维新派的努力而同时增长。但在1899年夏,梁启超同意支持康有为成立保皇会。他与革命党人就完全分道扬镳了。此后几年中,他四出游历,在华侨中为保皇会募款。1899年12月,他离旦本去夏威夷,1900年8月,急忙赶回上海准备参加由唐才常领导的汉口起义以推翻慈禧,但他到达时,得悉起义失败,即离上海去新加坡投奔康有为,又从新加坡到澳大利亚募款,后又经菲列宾于1901年春回日本。1903年初,应保皇会美洲分会之请,他离日本去加拿大,美国,在一些大城市中给华侨演讲,并在华盛顿访问了罗斯福总统和海约翰国务卿,11月又回到日本。

梁启超对美国政治制度的观察及其对国人在国内外的政治活动所得的印象,更使他认为中国对实行共和制度所带来的自由远未作好准备,要使中国人获救,国人的觉悟远较政治制度的改革更为重要。他的这些观点,在1902年于横滨出版的著名的期刊《新民丛报》上首次发表。为了向中国人民介绍新思想,他在这份新杂志上刊登许多生动有力的文章向国人介绍西方哲学家、历史人物、政治理论,还讨论中国传统文化及其更新等等问题。1906年,《新民丛报》拥有一万四千多个读者,在国内外中国人士中发生了相当影响。

梁启超在《新民丛报》上的文章表明他的思想已开始与康有为的观点有分歧,例如,康有为强调必须保存儒家学说作为中国文化完整性的基础,梁则开始认为儒家学说是在中国实现思想自由和发展新观念的障碍。他们之间,虽有这些分歧,但梁启超在受到革命派刊物的攻击时仍与康有为一起维护君主制度。日俄战争后,清廷的一些要员主张模仿日本进行改革,1905年,端方,率官员出国考瘵宪政,梁启超与端方私相往还,并为考的起草了几个条陈。他在《新民丛报》中,加紧反对留日的革命派,那时,他们已组成了同盟会,创办了机关刊物《民报》,从1905年到1907年夏《新民丛报》停刊之间,该刊与《民报》进行了长期激烈的笔战。

1906年清政府宣布预备立宪,梁启超于1907年秋在日本组织了一个新的政治团体政闻社以促进国内的立宪运动,它的成员们散发请愿书要求颁布宪法并召开国会。1908年初,政闻社迁往上海,以马良为总务员,出版《政闻》,与清政府要员秘密往还并计划开办学校培养立宪政府中的人才。这些行动,为袁世凯等要员所反对,他们于1908年夏封禁政闻社。但是梁的同事们于1909年底已与各省谘议局有联系,想以此推动在北京早日召开国会。1910年初,梁创办《国风报》,他希望用具体讨论代议政治的文章向国人进行有关立宪政府的教育。

1911年10月10日武昌起义后,梁去沈阳,希望北方军人能对清政府施加压力实行君主立宪但他的活动失败了,转而支持康有为的“虚君共和”思想,但是那时共和革命运动已无法阻止了。

1912年民国政府成立,梁与康有为的政治联合宣告结束,他不仅接受了新成立的政府,而且积极参与新政府的政治事务。他在过去十五年间办报活动,使许多人认为他是近代中国知识界的领袖人物之一。许多支持议会制政府的人希望他指引大家建立共和制国会,因此。他于1912年9月回国后各种不同政见的人都要他参加他们各自的组织。他新办的杂志《庸言》一万份一出版就销售一空,这反映了他当时的声望。梁在回国之前,已与国内友人张嘉森、林长民、汤化龙有联系,商议组织政党,1912年10月他参与成立了民主党,1913年2月又加入了共和党,该党早已把他作为自己的思想领柚。

1913年初的国会选举中,孙逸仙的国民党获胜,共和党居次。为了在国会中形成一个反对孙逸仙国民党的有力反对派,梁及其同人联合共和党、民主党、统一党组成进步党,反对国民党支持袁世凯,及其向国际银团进行善后大借款的计划。1913年夏二次革命失败后,进步党取代了国民党成为国会中最有势力的政党,梁的维新派老朋友熊希龄组阁,梁任司法总长。不久,袁世凱不仅于1913年11月4日解散了国民党,而且于1914年1月10日解散了国会。梁随同熊希辞职。但不到两个月又由袁世凱任命为币制局总裁,1914年6月,又充任袁世凯新设立用以代替国会的谘询机构参政院参议员。

梁自接受了这些任命之后,舆论因他与袁世凯合作对他进行抨击,这使梁深为苦恼。他的政敌中,有被禁的国民党人士,责他为可鄙的投机分子,他的朋友则指斥他轻信和有错误的理想主义,他不久也觉得要和袁世凯合作而实现改造中国的类好理想是不可能的。他的统一和稳定币制的建议,他的国民义务敎育和军事训练的计划不是被认为不切实际就是被束之高阁。因此,他转去天津并于19I5年初就聘为《大中华》主要撰稿人,他在这份刊物上写文章反对克世凯政府接受日本提出的二十一条。

1915年夏季前,梁启超在名义上仍是袁政府成员,但早在此时以前,他对袁世凯的野心已深有疑懼。年初,袁世凯的追随者之一杨度曾一度劝说梁列名支持袁世凯称帝。梁于1915年在南方过了几个月,6月去北京,袁世凯向他保证决无称帝的意图,但是到8月间,袁世凯称帝的括动已属公开,梁此时已在天津,遣责保皇组织筹安会企图以帝制替代民国。梁与旧日学生蔡锷常有联系,参予制定蔡锷反对帝制活动的计划,他们得到蔡的朋友云南都督唐继尧的支持。8月中旬,蔡锷到云南不久,梁离天津到上海,活动两个月,策动军政界首领反袁。1916年3月初,他经香港、海防到广西,争取广西将军陆荣廷的支持,3月15日,陆荣廷宣布参加反袁。1916年3月22日,袁世凯取消帝位恢复总统名号,梁启超等人要求恢复1913年国会,袁世凯断然拒绝,梁帮助组织西南军界首领于5月8日在广东肇庆组成军务院,宣布在袁退位之前暂行合法政府的职务。1916年6月袁世凯死去,黎元洪继任总统,军务院解散,梁转而又致力于进步党的活动。

国会在北京召开时,进步党分裂,梁启超等人另组“宪法研究会”,通称为研究系。梁作为研究系首领,希望能在决定修订宪法,组织内阁、外交政策等方面起重要作用。1917年春,他支持内阁总理段祺瑞站在协约国一边参加第一次世界大战,7月,又支持他粉碎康有为、张勋发动的复辟清室活动。是月,他任财政总长,转而再次注意币制改革问题。但是段祺瑞因国内军费需要,秘密向日借债,这使梁启超稳定币制的希望完全破灭。11月中旬,他与其他阁员一起辞职。此时,他已相信在现行的政治条件下谋求中国的新主是愚蠢而无望的。1918年中的大部分时间,他已退出了政界,从事研究、著述及筹划各种教育工作。

梁启超很久就想增加自己对西方的知识,第一次世界大战后,他以巴黎和会中国方面的非正式代表身份与张嘉森、蒋方震、丁文江一起去欧洲。1919年2月到伦敦,又遍访西欧国首都。这次旅行的结果之一是改变了他早期対西欧文化的敬慕心情,梁启超认为欧战及其后果清楚地表明西方在社会和思想方面存在着重大弊病,这些弊病是由盲目信仰科学所带来的。他反对马克恩主义,认为它与儒教一样是一种思想束缚。他认为每个人都应有发展思想的自由,“思想解放”的目标是他作为自己需要关注的主要问题之一。

为了研究怎样才能在中国实现思想与文化的复兴,他和在欧洲及在国内的朋友,于1919年9月组织了一个“新学会”,与张嘉森、张东荪、蒋方震等人在北京创办《解放与改造》杂志(1920年9月改名为《改造》),刊载了许多文章,广为介绍西欧与俄国各种大为分歧的新思想。

1920年1月,梁离欧,两个月之后回国,立即从事实行许多关于文化和教育的计划。其中,组织“共学社”以促进西方重要哲学著作的翻译和出版,又组织“讲学社”,计划邀请罗素、泰戈尔等著名外国思想家到中国讲学。这种种复兴文化的活动,与五四运动的思想酝酿相吻合,并对五四运动多少起了一些作用,当然并非十分重要的作用。当时,胡适、陈独秀等青年人物已替代了梁启超这一辈人,成为学生和青年知识分子的领袖人物了。

1920年,梁应聘在天津南开大学教中国历史,这种学术生活,断断续续,一直到他临死之前几个月,他还到清华、燕京、南京东南大学讲学,出版了一些学术著作,如《清代学术概论》(1920年)、《先秦政治甩想史》(1922年)、《中国历史研究法〉(1922年)、《中国近三百年学术史》(1924年),以及对一些哲学家、历史人物的研究著作。梁不断地写作和教书,后因肾疾加剧而中止,1929年初死在北京协和医院,年五十五岁。

梁启超的主要文集是《饮冰室合集》,1936年由中华书局出版,内收文集十六册,专集二十四册,这个文集足以证明他是二十世纪最初二十年间中国最先进的思想界人物。

梁启超和李惠仙有儿女五人,次子梁思成是著名的建筑学冢、三子梁思永是有名的考古学家,李惠仙死于1924年9月13日。

All rights reserved@ENP-China