Chin Yun-p'eng (1877-), a Peiyang Army officer of the Chihli faction who served Tuan Ch'i-jui as minister of war and premier ( 1 919— 21). After Chang Tso-lin established his influence in Peking, Chin retired from politics. In 1931 he became a Buddhist monk.
Little is known of Chin Yun-p'eng's family background or childhood; he was a native of Tsining, Shantung. Chin was graduated from the Peiyang Military Academy, and he held his first military posts in Chekiang, rising to become commander of the imperial forces stationed in that province. Toward the end of the Ch'ing period he served as military counselor to Li Ching-hsi, the governor general of Yunnan- Kweichow.
When Ts'ai O (q.v.) and others staged an uprising in Yunnan at the outbreak of the 1911 revolution, Chin Yun-p'eng escaped from that area and returned to north China. There, through the assistance of Tuan Ch'i-jui (q.v.), he was appointed a staff officer in the Third Imperial Army. After the consolidation of power by Yuan Shih-k'ai, Chin was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and was made a military adviser in the President's office. In August 1913 he was given command of the 5th Peiyang Division and was assigned to his native province of Shantung, where he succeeded Chou Tzu-ch'i as military governor. Chin remained in that post until 1916. Although he did not openly oppose Yuan Shih-k'ai's monarchical scheme as it developed in late 1915, he did join with Feng Kuo-chang (q.v.) and others in March 1916 to urge Yuan to abandon the plan.
In June 1916, after the death of Yuan Shihk'ai, Chin Yun-p'eng relinquished his Shantung post to Chang Huai-chih and went to Peking. He was by then an influential member of the Peiyang military clique, and at Peking he was soon drawn into the complex political maneuvers of that period in north China. In late 1916 and early 1917 Chin supported Tuan Ch'i-jui's quest for power and participated in the meetings held at Hsuchow with leading Peiyang figures, including Chang Hsun (q.v.) and others, to work out plans designed to deal with Tuan's principal opponents, Li Yuan-hung (q.v.) and the National Assembly. By the spring of 1917 Tuan's relations with both Li, then the president, and the National Assembly had become strained. The focus of the Peking government's interest at that time was on the question of China's relations with Germany. Well aware of the potential advantages to China of participation in the war on the side of the Allied powers, Tuan Ch'i-jui moved quickly to sever diplomatic ties with Berlin and to force the National Assembly to pass a formal declaration of war against Germany. Chin Yun-p'eng was a prime mover in supporting Tuan's campaign to bring China into the First World War.
Although the heavy pressures which Tuan Ch'i-jui and his associates exerted on the assembly in the spring of 1917 had no results, Tuan remained a dominant figure in the Peiyang military clique, and Chin continued to be closely involved in the internecine struggles for power and primacy among the military factions in the north. During his fourth and final term as premier (March-October 1916), Tuan continued to hold the upper hand in his struggle with Feng Kuo-chang in large part through his control of the powerful War Participation Board, of which Chin was the administrative director. Chin was also directly involved in the secret military assistance agreement with Japan concluded in May 1918, under which the Japanese agreed to finance, train, and equip a new Chinese military force in return for substantial Chinese concessions. In January 1919 Chin took up the post of minister of war in the new cabinet headed by Ch'ien Neng-hsun, and toward the end of that year he became premier. However, animosity had developed between Chin Yun-p'eng and Hsu Shu-cheng (q.v.), Tuan Ch'i-jui's chief military subordinate. Hsu Shu-cheng's political position was bolstered by Tuan Ch'i-jui himself, and his ambitions were strengthened by the success of his November coup in Outer Mongolia. Therefore, Hsu was able to manipulate the cabinet headed by Chin Yun-p'eng and at the same time to deny Chin's military authority. Even in his capacity as minister of war, Chin was unable to control the Northwest Frontier Defense Army, which Hsu Shu-cheng headed. Relations between the two men became increasingly unfriendly and, despite the fact that Tuan Ch'i-jui headed the Anhwei faction of the Peiyang military group, Chin strengthened his ties with the Chihli faction.
After September 1919 Chin submitted his resignation as premier three times, without success. The apparent successes of Chin's opponent Hsu Shu-cheng were fostering suspicion and opposition to Hsu on the part of Chang Tso-lin (q.v.) and other powerful militarists. The Chihli governor, Ts'ao K'un (q.v.), soon organized an eight-province coalition in opposition to Hsu Shu-cheng, and in May 1920, noting this, Chin Yun-p'eng for the fourth time submitted his resignation as premier. It was accepted on 2 July. The next day Chang Tso-lin, Li Ch'un, and Ts'ao K'un declared war on the Tuan Ch'i-jui regime, particularly on Hsu Shu-cheng. The ensuing Anhwei-Chihli war of July 1920 marked the downfall of Hsu Shu-cheng and the end of Tuan Ch'i-jui's hegemony in north China. Chin Yun-p'eng then resumed his official posts with the backing of both the Chihli group headed by Ts'ao K'un and the Fengtien group headed by Chang Tsolin. He again became premier and minister of war in August and became a full general in October.
As premier, Chin Yun-p'eng faced two urgent problems: the satisfaction of the Chihli and Fengtien groups regarding the division of power in north China, and the financing of government —a problem because the unification of the northern (Peking) government and the southern (Canton) government was a prerequisite for obtaining any foreign loans. Canton ignored Chin's proposals for unification. When he turned to Chinese banking circles for government funds, Chin encountered opposition from two leading members of the so-called communications faction, Chou Tzu-Ch'i, the minister of finance, and Yeh Kung-cho (qq.v.), the minister of communications. The dispute wracked the entire Peking government, and in April 1921 Chin met at Tientsin with Chang Tso-lin, Ts'ao K'un, and Wang Chan-yuan in an attempt to resolve the impasse. A reorganization of the cabinet followed in May, with Chin Yun-p'eng remaining as premier. Chou Tzuch'i and Yeh Kung-cho were dropped from the cabinet, and they then undertook to join forces with Chang Tso-lin, who arrived at Peking on 14 December 1921 to establish a position within the government there. Two days later Chin Yun-p'eng resigned. On 24 December, with the nominal cooperation of Ts'ao K'un, a new cabinet was formed with Liang Shih-i, the head of the communications clique, as premier and Yeh Kung-cho as minister of communications. That development marked the end of Chin Yun-p'eng's career as an official. He then launched a commercial venture, the Lu-ta Company, in Shantung. In 1926, as the Nationalist revolution surged up from south China, Chin served as an intermediary between Chang Tso-lin and Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.), but without notable success. He then retired to the British concession in Tientsin, where he maintained a residence for several years. In the summer of 1931 he became a Buddhist monk. He reportedly was still alive in 1936, when he was 60, but his later years are obscure. Chin Yun-p'eng had a younger brother, Chin Yun-o, a field commander of the Chihli faction. Chin Yun-o died in 1935.
靳云鹏 字:翼青
靳云鹏(1877—),直系北洋军军官,1919—1921年为段祺瑞效劳,曾任陆军总长,国务总理。张作霖在北京得势后,靳退出政界,他在1931年出家当了和尚。
靳云鹏山东济宁人,他的家庭及幼年情况不详。他出身于北洋武备学堂,曾在浙江任标统,后升浙江提督。清末,任云贵总督李经羲的军事参议。
1911年革命爆发,蔡锷等人在云南起义,靳云鹏逃离去北方。经段祺瑞之助,任清军参将。袁世凯上台后,任总统府中将衔参军。1913年8月,统率北洋第五师,继周自齐出任山东都督,一直到1916年。靳云鹏虽未公开反对在
1915年末酝酿的袁世凯称帝计划,但曾与冯国璋等人于1916年3月劝袁放弃帝制。
1916年6月,袁世凯死后,靳云鹏将其都督职务让位与张怀芝,离山东到北京,他当时是北洋军阀的一个有势力人物,他到了北京立即卷入当时北方的复杂政局。1916年底到1917年初,他支持段祺瑞谋取权力,与包括张勋在内的
北洋军主要人物在徐州开会,以对付段祺瑞的敌手黎元洪及其国会。1917年春,段祺瑞与黎元洪总统及国会之间的关系趋于紧张。当时北京政府注意的中心问题是中国与德国的关系。段祺瑞认为参加同盟国对中国有利,因此很快与
德国绝交,迫使国会通过对德宣战。靳云鹏是段祺瑞使中国参加第一次世界大战活动的主要支持者。
1917年春,段祺瑞及其支持者对国会所施压力虽无成效,但段仍然是北洋军阀的重要人物,靳云鹏则继续积极卷入北方军阀争权夺利的斗争中。段祺瑞,在他第四任也是最后一任国务总理任内(1916年3月至10月),主要利用掌握
参战处的权力与冯国璋争斗中处于上风地位,参战办公处是靳云鹏主管的。1918年5月靳云鹏还直接参予与日本订立秘密军事援助协定,大量出让中国主权换取日本同意为建立一支新的军队给予经济资助、帮助训练和提供装备。
1919年1月,他在钱能训新内阁中任陆军总长,当年年底署国务总理。然而靳云鹏和段祺瑞部属徐树铮相互间的敌视加剧。徐树铮既有段祺瑞的支持,又因他在外蒙取得胜利,他的政治地位得以加强,因此徐树铮能任意摆布靳云鹏为首的内阁,无视靳的军权,甚至靳云鹏还在任陆军总长时,已无法指挥徐树铮的西北边防军。靳徐两人间的关系变得愈益不和,靳云鹏不顾段祺瑞是北洋皖系军阀头目,而与直系加强联系。
1919年9月后,靳云鹏三次请辞国务总理职务未准。徐树铮的得势引起张作霖和其他军阀的猜疑和反对。直隶督军曹锟很快组成八省联盟反对徐树铮,1920年5月靳云鹏第四次提出请辞国务总理职务,7月2日获准。次后,张作
霖、李纯、曹锟对段祺瑞宣战,其主要目标是对徐树铮。接着发生的1920年7月直皖战争,标志着徐树铮的倒台,段祺瑞在华北霸主地位的终了。靳云鹏在直系曹锟和奉系张作霖的支持下重新上台,8月任国务总理兼陆军总长,10月
封为上将。
国务总理靳云鹏当时面临两个迫切问题:一个是满足直奉两系军阀分占华北势力;另一个是政府的财政问题,因为要取得外国贷款,南北政府的统一是先决条件。广州方面对靳云鹏的统一创议不予理采。他要求银行界向政府提供
贷款,又遭到两个交通系的头目财政总长周自齐和交通总长叶恭绰的反对。这次纷争使北京政府陷于瘫痪,1921年4月,靳云鹏在天津会见张作霖、曹锟、王占元,力图解决这个僵局。5月,内阁改组,靳云鹏留任总理,周自齐、叶
恭绰去职,他们与张作霖联合。张作霖于1921年12月14日到北京,想在北京政府中插一脚。两天后靳云鹏辞职。12月24日交通系首领梁士诒组阁,叶恭绰任交通总长,表面上和曹锟合作。
这样结束了靳云鹏的政治生涯,于是他在山东创办了一个商业机构鲁大公司。1926年国民革命在南方兴起,靳云鹏曾在吴佩孚、张作霖之间充作调解人,但无成果。此后,他寓居天津英租界多年。1931年夏出家当了和尚。1936年他尚在世,年已六十。以后的情况不详。
靳云鹏有一幼弟叫靳云鹗,系直系将领,死于1935年。