Mei Kuang-ti (22 January 1890-27 December 1945), scholar and editor of the conservative literary journal Hsueh-heng [the critical review]. Though a pioneer in the introduction of Western literature to China, he was an uncompromising opponent of the Chinese literary movements of the 1920's. He taught Chinese at Harvard University from 1924 to 1936. Hsuancheng, Anhwei, was the native place of Mei Kuang-ti. His father, a schoolmaster and a firm believer in memorization of the Chinese classical texts, instilled in the young Mei a genuine love of traditional Chinese literature and learning. Mei Kuang-ti took the first level of civil-service examinations at the age of 12. After completing his secondary education in Anhwei, he went to Peking, where he attended Tsinghua College. He learned English in a single year of solitude and diligent study, competed for a government scholarship in 1911, and won both a scholarship and admission to the University of Wisconsin. After spending two years in Madison, Wisconsin, he transferred to Northwestern University, from which he was graduated in 1915. He then entered the graduate school of Harvard University. Mei Kuang-ti's four years at Harvard deeply influenced his intellectual development. Of primary importance was his association with Irving Babbitt, professor of literature and prophet of the New Humanism, the philosophical and critical movement which flourished briefly in the United States during the 1920's under the influence of Babbitt and Paul Elmer More. In the New Humanism, Mei Kuang-ti saw affinities with China's cultural heritage and possible approaches to the uncertainties that beset the contemporary intellectual scene in China.
Soon after his arrival at Harvard, Mei began a lengthy and often turbulent correspondence w.ith Hu Shih (q.v.), then a graduate student of philosophy at Columbia University. The only record of this literary debate, which concerned the pros and cons of literary reform in China, is contained in Hu Shih's published diaries. Even that fragmentary and admittedly one-sided account reveals the deep seriousness of these young Chinese students, newly exposed to Western learning and distressed by conditions in their homeland, and their earnestness in seeking out solutions. It was through these arguments, Hu Shih wrote, that he gradually formulated his ideas regarding literary reform and began to experiment with the writing of poems in pai-hua [the vernacular]. Mei Kuang-ti was opposed to Hu's position, not because he was unaware of the moribund state of the old Chinese literary tradition, but because he believed that Hu Shih's theories and practices were based on fallacious literary premises. Mei argued that Hu oversimplified the complex relationship between language and literature and underestimated the importance of tradition in the process of poetic composition. In 1917 Hu Shih returned to Peking to raise the banner of literary reform with his articles in the Hsin cKing-nien [new youth], and Mei Kuang-ti remained at Harvard to continue his literary studies with Irving Babbitt.
Although Professor Babbitt had no direct access to Chinese sources, and had not studied Chinese, he impressed Mei Kuang-ti with his profound understanding of Confucius as a moralist and humanist, his interpretation of the early Taoists in the light of modern Western naturalism, his vision of the essential unity of the cultures of East and West, and his interest in working for a "humanistic international." Babbitt's devotion to classicism and his impatient opposition to the philological approach to the study of Western literature made him a controversial scholar. Mei Kuang-ti regarded Babbitt as a man who shared his own deep appreciation of traditional Chinese culture, a fellow visionary who looked forward to a synthesis of the central and enduring elements in both Eastern and Western traditions, and a kindred spirit who also was waging a lonely but heroic crusade against current literary fads. In 1920 Mei Kuang-ti returned to China and became chairman of the English department at Xankai University. He moved to Nanking in 1921 to head the English department at Southeastern University (after 1927, Central or Chung-yang University). Among his students was Ghing-ying Lee, who had traveled from Canton to become one of the eight women in the first coeducational class at the university. She and Mei were married in 1927, after which she went to the United States for graduate work at Radcliffe College and returned to China to teach English language and literature courses. In 1922 Mei Kuang-ti, together with Wu Mi (q.v.) and other colleagues at Southeastern University, founded Hsueh-heng [the critical review] to oppose the Chinese literary revolution. In the first issue of Hsueh-heng, Mei wrote a scathing indictment of the advocates of the new literary movement. By that time, pai-hua had been established as a medium of instruction in Chinese elementary schools and had begun to gain wide acceptance as a medium for communication and writing. The rapid success of the "literary revolution" inevitably encouraged charlatanism. Some of the new writers were ignorant of their own literary heritage, and their understanding of Western literature was similarly shallow and limited. Mei criticized the writers of the new literary movement for their fondness for self-aggrandizement, their lack of objectivity and humility, their fanaticism, their intolerance, and their increasing indulgence in personal, vituperative attacks on those who disagreed with them. Mei Kuang-ti never opposed Western learning, but he did oppose the indiscriminate iconoclasm of the literary reformers who wanted to replace or destroy everything in the Chinese tradition and who, without sufficient knowledge of the central and enduring features of Western philosophy or literature, emphasized much that was peripheral, transient, or decadent. Mei did not oppose the use of pai-hua; he had a great appreciation of many Chinese literary works written in the colloquial language and recognized it as a legitimate style of writing. However, he did not subscribe to the view that pai-hua should completely supersede classical Chinese, although he realized that the classical language needed to be stripped of archaisms and empty rhetoric in order to become a more flexible instrument capable of expressing modern ideas.
As part of their efforts to provide perspective and balance to Chinese understanding of Western literature, the editors of the Hsueh-heng devoted many pages to translations and to essays about the Western writers they deemed important. Mei Kuang-ti's contributions dealt chiefly with literary critics who, not content with analyzing the formal aesthetic qualities ofa literary work, used literary criticism to express their moral and philosophical insights in such a manner that they became critics or prophets of their age—writers such as Carlyle, Arnold, and, of course, Irving Babbitt. This concept of the man of letters was one which for Mei Kuang-ti had been confirmed by the New Humanists in the United States; but it also was profoundly Confucian, central to the Chinese literary tradition. For Mei, the heroes in his own culture were those who were able to exemplify the high moral life both in writing and in action—men such as Ou-yang Hsiu in the eleventh century and Tseng Kuo-fan in the nineteenth, who were at once statesmen, moralists, and men of letters.
What Mei and his colleagues of the Hsueh-heng group refused to accept was that the literary reform movement in China was motivated chiefly by a desire for social and political reform. The urgent demands and the convulsive changes of the republican period made a true appreciation of the best in both Eastern and Western cultures, much less their attempted synthesis, a luxury that Chinese intellectuals could no longer afford. Nevertheless, Mei Kuang-ti saw more clearly than some of the leaders of literary reform the probable consequences of undermining literary principles and of debasing literary values for political ends. His opposition to the modern literary movement was based on this uncompromising refusal to view literature as a response to the practical needs of the time.
While he was introducing Western literary thought to Chinese readers through the pages of Hsueh-heng and other journals, Mei Kuang-ti was simultaneously playing the role of cultural ambassador on the other side of the Pacific. From 1924 to 1936, except for an interval of one academic year (1930-31) when he was acting dean of the college of arts at Central University, he taught Chinese at Harvard University. Y. R. Chao (Chao Yuen-ren, q.v.) had preceded Mei as instructor of Chinese at Harvard from 1921 to 1924. Mei's relatively long tenure in the post had an important influence on the early study of Chinese language and literature in the United States. In his courses, Mei attempted to impart to his students what he felt to be the essential elements of China's traditional civilization.
In 1936 Mei Kuang-ti returned to China to become head of the English department at National Chekiang University and assistant dean of its college of arts and sciences. The Sino- Japanese war broke out in July 1937, and Chekiang University wasmoved toTsunyi,Kweichow, in 1939, where it remained until the end of the war. In 1939 Mei Kuang-ti became dean of the newly independent college of arts. As an important administrator in the university, he devoted much energy to maintaining high educational standards in the face of great hardships. In addition to his regular administrative duties, greatly complicated by material shortages and by psychological uncertainties, he had to be concerned with the personal welfare and physical survival of his students. Many of Mei's students stood in awe of him and were ill at ease in his presence, but he was unstinting in his efforts to encourage and support students in whom he saw promise. He also was known for acts of personal kindness that at times bordered on impulsive generosity: emptying his pockets for a student who had to go on a journey; raising funds for one who required an operation; or risking his own safety to rescue one who had been secretly arrested on false political charges.
At Tsunyi, Mei Kuang-ti continued to give courses on English literature, concentrating on the critics and essayists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. His published writings included articles about these writers and analyses of twentieth-century events in Europe with reference to their historical and intellectual backgrounds. From 1938 to 1945 Mei also served on the People's Political Council at Chungking.
By February 1945, Mei Kuang-ti had become seriously ill. His diary for 1945 contains many references to writings which he now began to feel that he would not live to complete. He died on 27 December 1945. Among the many notes and drafts of incomplete manuscripts he left were outlines for books on Han Yü, which were to be written in both English and Chinese. Mei also intended to write an intellectual history of the West for Chinese readers, including biographical and critical studies of 20 or 30 outstanding figures from Voltaire to Nietzsche. These plans were consistent with the pattern of Mei Kuang-ti's career. His mission was to introduce Western literature to China and Chinese literature to the West, treating his subjects in historical perspective and with a sense of tradition, and to uphold a concept of literature which related it to the moral and philosophical life, a concept both Confucian and neo-Humanistic.
梅光迪
字:迪生、堇庄
梅光迪(1890.1.22—1945.12.27),学者,保守的文学杂志《学衡》(批判性评论)的编辑。虽然他是把西方文学介绍入中国的一个先驱者,但与二十年代的文学运动势不两立。1924—36年在哈佛大学教中文。
梅光迪是安徽宣城人。他父亲是一名校长,笃信中国古典经籍,因此使梅光迪自幼酷爱中国古书。十二岁时他初应科举。他在安徽受完中等教育后,到北京进了清华学堂。他独立勤奋地学习了一年英语,1911年考取官费奖学金,并被录取进了美国威斯康星大学读书。两年后,又转入西北大学。1915年毕业后,进哈佛大学研究院。
梅光迪在哈佛大学的四年,对他的思想发展影响很深。最重要的,是他和文学教授、新人文主义创始人伊尔文•白璧德的交往。美国在二十年代中,在保罗•爱尔默・摩尔、白璧德的影响下,一度兴起一个人文主义的哲学和思想批评运动。梅光迪在新人文主义思潮中,见到它与中国文化传统相近之处,认为有可能用它来解决当时中国思想界的动荡。
梅光迪一到哈佛大学,就和当时哥伦比亚大学哲学系研究生胡适,进行长篇的激烈的通信讨论。在胡适已出版的日记里,记载了他们当时赞成和反对中国文学改革的争论。这些片断的单方面的林料,反映了中国青年学生的深刻思虑。他们新接触了西方知识,为祖国的现状感到忧虑,热烈地企图找到解决的办法。经过这些争辩,胡适写道,他逐渐形成了文学改革的思想,并且开始写作白话诗作为试验。梅光迪与胡适意见相左,倒并不是他没有感到旧的中国文学传统的没落,而是认为胡适的理论与实践是基于对文学的虚妄设想之上。梅光迪认为,胡适把语言同文学的复杂关系简单化,而又低估了旧传统对诗歌创作的重要性。1917年胡适回到北京,举起了文学改革的旗帜,在《新青年》上发表文章。梅光迪仍留在哈佛,跟从白璧德硏究文学。
白璧德虽对中国的材料并无直接接触,他也不懂中文,但他对孔子的道德观和人本主义有深刻理解。他以近代西方的自然主义理论来解释早期道家,认为与西方文化本质上是一致的,并且愿意致力于实现一个“人道主义的世界”。这些都对梅光迪产生了影响。白璧德是一名古典派,不能容忍以研究语言学的态度来研究西方文学,因此成了一名人们对之有争议的学者。梅光迪认为白璧德对中国传统文化理解深刻,他主张综合东西方文化的恒久的中心内容是一种创见,他对流行的文学时尚勇敢地进行孤军奋战。
1920年,梅光迪回国,任南开大学英语系主任。1921年去南京,任东南大学英语系主任(1927年改为中央大学)。该校男女同学的第一班八名女生中的一人李今英,是广州来的学生,1927年与梅光迪结婚,以后去美国拉特克立夫大学做研究工作,回国后教英语及文学等课。
1922年,梅光迪和东南大学同事吴宓等人创办《学衡杂志》,反对文学革命。在创刊号上,梅光迪撰文历数新文学运动的灾害。当时,白话已成为小学教材的基本文体,并已在书信和写作中广泛应用。“文学革命”的迅速发展,必会造成一种大言不惭的气氛。有些新作家既对自己的文学传统无知,对西方文学也知之甚少。梅光迪批评这些新作家妄自尊大,既不客观又不谦逊,充满空想,气量狭窄,对不同意见的人任意进行诬骂。梅光迪从不反对西方知识,但反对那些搞文学改革的人的那种不加区别的偶像崇拜。他们竟想把中国传统中的一切东西通通打倒或用别的东西代替,他们对西方的哲学新文学的中心的永恒内容并无足够知识,反而夸大了那些表面的、暂时的、衰落的东西。梅光迪并不反对白话,他很欣赏中国的口语文学作品,认为它是写作的一种合法体例。但他不同意完全用白话来代替古文,他认为古文需要排除掉拟古和内容空洞的毛病,而使其成为能表达现代思想的灵活工具。
为了使国内读者对西方文学有个广泛的全面了解,《学衡》发表了不少他们认为重要的西方作者的论文和译文。梅光迪的文章主要是介绍这样一些文艺批评家,他们的文艺批评,不以分析文学作品的形式美为限,而是用文艺批评来表达其道德观和哲学观,因此他们不但成了文艺批评家,而且成了时代的先知——例如卡莱尔、阿诺德,当然述有白壁德。在梅光迪看来,对文人的这种见解在美国是由新人文主义者表现出来;就中国的文化传统来说,孔子的儒学就集中地表现了这种见解。他认为祖国文化的英雄人物是那些既在文学上又在行动上表现道德高尚的人,例如十一世纪的欧阳修,十九世纪的曾国藩。他们既是政治家,又是道德家和作家。
梅光迪等《学衡》派的人,之所以拒绝中国的文学改革运动,是因为这个运动的目的在于要求进行社会政治改革。民国时代的纷繁变化和迫切要求,促使人们去认真了解西方文化和东方文化中最佳的东西,而并不在于对它们加以综合,这一点是中国的知识界无力做到的。梅光迪对于忽视文学原理以及为政治目的而贬低文学价值将要引起的后果,比一些文学改革的首领们看得更清楚些。他反对近代的文学改革运动,是因为他坚决反对把文学作为对当前的实际需要的反应。
梅光迪通过《学衡》等杂志,向国内读者介绍西方文学思想时,他又在太平洋彼岸充当了文化使者的角色。1924—36年间,除1930—31年曾任中央大学文学院院长外,他在哈佛大学教中文。在此之前,1921—24年赵元任充任过哈佛大学中文讲师。梅光迪长期担任此职,对美国早期的中国语文和中国文学的研究是很有影响的。在讲课中间,他力求使学生接受中国传统文化的精华。
1936年,梅光迪回国,任国立浙江大学英语系主任,文理学院副院长。1937年中日战争爆发后,1939年浙江大学迁往贵州遵义,直至战争结束。1939年梅光迪任新成立的文学院院长。作为大学的重要负责人,他竭尽全力在艰难困苦中维持较高的教学水平。他要为日常行政工作操心,这些工作,由于物质匮乏和人们精神不安而困难很多。他又要关心学生的福利和物质生活。学生们对他感到敬畏和局促不安,他却不遗余力地鼓励和帮助那些有才华的学生,他以为人慷慨而出名:他倾囊相助外出学生的旅费,他为需要住院施行手术的学生募集医药费,冒险营救以虚构的政治罪行秘密被捕的学生。
梅光迪在遵义时,继续教英国文学课,以十八、十九世纪的文学批评和散文为主要内容。他发表文章介绍有关作家,分析二十世纪欧洲重大事件的历史和思想背景。1938—45年,梅光迪任重庆国民参政会的参政员。
1945年2月,梅光迪病重。他在1945年的日记中,谈到不少他已感到无力完成的写作计划。他死于1945年12月27日。他的手稿中的一些笔记和草稿,是他准备用中文和英文同时写作的一本关于韩愈的书的大纲;他还准备为中国读者写一本西方思想史,其中包括对从伏尔泰到尼釆等二三十名重要人物的传记和批判性研究。这些计划是同他的一生事迹的特点相一致的,他的使命就是以历史的眼光和传统的意识向中国介绍西方文学,向西方介绍中国文学,捍卫一种认为文学应与道德和哲学生活联系在一起的观点,一种既是孔门儒学的也是新人文主义的观点。