Chiang Kai-shek (31 October 1887-), head of state of the National Government in China and in Taiwan and party leader of the Kuomintang.
A native of the Fenghua district, Ningpo prefecture, of Chekiang, Chiang Kai-shek was born in Ch'ik'ou, a town to the west of the Wuling mountain range. The family had been farmers for generations until Chiang's paternal grandfather, Chiang Ssu-ch'ien (T. Yu-piao), who died in 1894 at the age of 81 sui, became a salt merchant and began to improve the family's financial and social position. Chiang Kai-shek's father, Chiang Ch'ao-ts'ung (T. Su-an), also was a salt merchant. He died in 1896 at the age of 54 sui, leaving his family in financial straits. It was only through perseverance and personal sacrifice that Chiang Kai-shek's mother (1863-1921), the third wife of Chiang Ch'ao-ts'ung, was able to support and guide her children. Chiang Kai-shek was a devoted son, both as a child and as a man. He had one brother, Jui-ch'ing ; two sisters, Jui-lien and Jui-chun; a half-brother, Hsi-hou, and a half-sister, Jui-ch'un.
In 1905 Chiang went to Ningpo to study under Ku Ch'ing-lien at the Chien-chiu School. There he studied Chinese philosophy and became acquainted with the ancient Chinese military text Sun-tzu ping-fa [on the art of war]. The idea of becoming a military man already appealed to him. In the autumn of 1906, at the age of 20 sui, Chiang transferred to the Lungchin Middle School at Fenghua. He remained there for only three months, for he had made up his mind to study military science abroad. Like many other patriotic youths of that period, Chiang was distressed by the inability of the Ch'ing court to protect China's interests in the face of growing foreign penetration of the country. The defeat of Russia by Japan in 1904-5 in a war that was fought largely in Chinese territory in Manchuria posed new threats and made the position of the Chinese empire even more precarious. To convince his mother of his determination to go to Japan, Chiang cut off his queue and sent it to her. At that time, the financial situation of the Chiang family was threatened by the actions of local bureaucrats in Chekiang, but Chiang's mother reluctantly gave him her blessing and what funds she could spare.
Chiang arrived in Tokyo in 1906, only to discover that because he was not a governmentsponsored student he could not enter military training programs in Japan. He soon returned to China, and in 1907 he was admitted to the Lu-chün su-ch'eng hsueh-hsiao, a military school at Paoting, Chihli (Hopei), which was under the supervision of the Board of Military Affairs. Because he had cut off his queue, Chiang Kai-shek was obliged to behave with circumspection, for the Ch'ing authorities were suspicious of potential radicalism among the cadets. Except for one altercation with a Japanese instructor, for which he received a reprimand, Chiang spent an uneventful year at Paoting and thereby secured the privilege of becoming a government-sponsored student in Japan. The Paoting school was a predecessor of the Paoting Military Academy; and his later association with the Paoting group of military officers in republican China stemmed from his attendance there in 1907-8.
From 1908 to 1910, Chiang Kai-shek attended the Shimbu Gakko, a military school in Tokyo which had been established to prepare Chinese students for study at the Shikan Gakko [military academy]. Chiang became acquainted with Chang Ch'ün (q.v.), a Szechwanese who also had studied at Paoting; almost of an age, the two became close friends and political associates. Another of his associates was Ch'en Ch'i-mei (q.v.), whom he had met in Japan in 1906, and, under Ch'en's sponsorship, he joined the T'ung-meng-hui in 1908. A fellow provincial from Chekiang who was some 11 years Chiang's senior, Ch'en Ch'i-mei, became the political mentor of the young cadet. Ch'en introduced Chiang to Sun Yat-sen when Sun returned briefly to Japan from Honolulu in 1910.
In 1910, Chiang was graduated from the Shimbu Gakko and became a candidate for admission to the Shikan Gakko. Together with Chang Ch'un, he was assigned for field training to the 13th Field Artillery (Takada) Regiment of the Japanese Army. Although Chiang responded well to the rigorous training and to the long hours of duty, he apparently made no strong impression on the Japanese officers of the regiment.
When news of the Wuchang revolt of October 1911 reached Japan, Chiang Kai-shek, Chang Ch'un, and other young Chinese cadets immediately sailed from Nagasaki on a Japanese ship. They arrived at Shanghai on 30 October. Ch'en Ch'i-mei, with the help of secret societies in Shanghai, was engaged in an attempt to capture the Kiangnan arsenal; during the first week of November, he succeeded in winning over Shanghai to the cause of the republican revolutionaries. Encouraged by this success, Ch'en Ch'i-mei began organizing forces to consolidate control of the seaboard provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang and to capture Nanking. While the Shanghai campaign was underway, Chiang Kai-shek participated in these actions, and, in recognition of his loyalty and his services, Ch'en Ch'i-mei, who had become military governor of Shanghai, gave him a promotion to regimental commander. The early victories of the revolutionary armies at Shanghai and Nanking during the late weeks of 1911 helped to make possible the establishment of a new provisional government at Nanking and the election of Sun Yat-sen as provisional president.
The revolutionary activity directed by Ch'en Ch'i-mei at Shanghai in 1911-12 had long-term as well as immediate effects, because it led to the establishment of personal relationships which were important to Chiang Kai-shek's later political career. Chiang formed a sworn brotherhood with Chang Ch'un and with Huang Fu (q.v.), then chief of staff and divisional commander under Ch'en Ch'i-mei. The three made pledges to rely on each other in crisis or in peace and to share each other's fortunes and setbacks. Other associates of this period who were to play important roles in the Kuomintang after Chiang Kai-shek gained power included Ch'en Kuo-fu, Shao Yuan-ch'ung, and Wu Chung-hsin (qq.v.) During this time, Chiang also became friendly with Chang Jen-chieh (q.v.), who later secured Chiang's entry into the personal service of Sun Yat-sen.
The early years after the inauguration of the Chinese republic in 1912 were marked by a struggle for authority between the supporters of Sun Yat-sen and those of Yuan Shih-k'ai. Chiang served under Ch'en Ch'i-mei, but he did not gain national prominence. When Yuan Shih-k'ai consolidated power, Ch'en Ch'i-mei relinquished his military and civil posts at Shanghai in 1912. Ch'en then returned to Japan, and Chiang accompanied him. In Japan Chiang studied German in preparation for a projected trip to Europe and published a short-lived magazine, the Chün-sheng tsa-chih [army voice magazine]. Opposition to Yuan Shih-k'ai continued, and, during the period of the so-called second revolution, Ch'en Ch'i-mei and Chiang Kai-shek returned to Shanghai. Ch'en attempted to reactivate his forces in the Shanghai- Woosung area, and Chiang led a military action in the Chinese sector of Shanghai in July. Chiang's small forces soon were disarmed by the British police in the International Settlement, and he left for Nanking with Chang Jen-chieh.
Ch'en Ch'i-mei's isolated position forced him to flee from Shanghai in November 1913. He went to Japan to join Sun Yat-sen. About this time, Chiang Kai-shek also went to Japan. In 1914 Sun reorganized the outlawed Kuomintang as the Chung-hua Ko-ming-tang, a closed organization that required its members to pledge personal allegiance to Sun. Some of Sun's adherents refused to take the oath of personal loyalty and withdrew their support of Sun, but Chiang and Ch'en remained loyal to his cause. In 1914, on orders from Sun, Chiang Kai-shek made trips to Shanghai and later to Harbin to instigate actions against Yuan Shih-k'ai. Both attempts failed. Except for undertaking these missions, Chiang remained in Japan during 1914-15, reading works by Wang Yang-ming, Tseng Kuo-fan, and Hu Lin-i and studying military strategy.
The political outlook for the republican revolutionaries remained bleak throughout 1915. In May, Yuan Shih-k'ai acceded to Japan's Twenty-one Demands; in August, he launched his campaign to become monarch. Renewing his attempt to dislodge Yuan's forces from Shanghai, Ch'en Ch'i-mei, accompanied by Chiang Kai-shek and other associates, returned to China in mid-1915. In November and December, Ch'en's group created incidents at Shanghai which, though unsuccessful, gave impetus to the anti-Yuan movement in other areas of China. On 18 May 1916 Yuan had Ch'en Ch'i-mei assassinated. Ch'en's untimely death at the age of only 41 sui marked the end of a significant personal relationship for Chiang Kai-shek. Several members of Ch'en Ch'i-mei's entourage of the 1911-12 period at Shanghai became trusted lieutenants of Chiang Kai-shek; and Ch'en's two nephews, Ch'en Kuo-fu and Ch'en Li-fu (q.v.), played leading roles in the central apparatus of the post- 1924 Kuomintang.
The May Fourth Movement in China and the initial dissemination of Marxist literature and ideas in China had no immediate effect on Chiang Kai-shek's political career. However, he became interested in the pattern of the Russian Revolution, and his high regard for the idea of a party-army-government amalgam to bolster political control had an effect on his later career. After Ch'en Ch'i-mei's assassination in mid1916, Chiang, though committed to Sun Yat-sen's nationalist cause, lingered in Shanghai. He did not accompany Sun Yat-sen to Canton when Sun moved there in the autumn of 1917 to attempt to establish a military base in south China, but he did submit informal military estimates and personal recommendations to Sun later that year. In March 1918 Sun summoned Chiang to Canton to discuss his possible participation in the newly established regime there. That was Chiang Kai-shek's first trip to Canton, and it probably was arranged by Chang Jen-chieh, who was a personal friend and a liberal financial supporter of Sun Yat-sen.
The nucleus of Sun's military power was the Kwangtung Army, commanded by Ch'en Chiung-ming (q.v.). On 15 March 1918 Chiang was named operations officer on Ch'en's staff. Chiang made several field trips with Teng K'eng (q.v.), then chief of staff under Ch'en Chiung-ming. Chiang apparently earned Ch'en's confidence, but other Kwangtung officers were hostile to him because he was a Chekiang man. Chiang resigned from Ch'en's staff at the end of July. A few weeks later, after a series of victories had led to the capture of Changchou, Fukien, he received command of the second column of the Kwangtung Army, with headquarters at Ch'angt'ai, Fukien. From 1918 to 1920, while Sun Yat-sen was living in retirement in Shanghai, Chiang Kai-shek shuttled between Shanghai and his army post in southern Fukien, where Ch'en Chiung-ming's Cantonese military forces constituted Sun's only hope of regaining power in the south. Chiang's peripatetic existence reflected the fact that he was often on the verge of resigning his military post. Toward the end of October 1919, he visited Japan briefly, reportedly to renew friendships there.
The secrecy surrounding Chiang Kai-shek's activities during this period gave rise to reports that he made money through financial speculation. Sun Yat-sen, to raise funds for his political cause, ordered the establishment of a commodity exchange at Shanghai in 1919. Participants in the venture, in addition to Ch'en Kuo-fu, presumably were Chang Jen-chieh, Chiang Kai-shek, and Tai Chi-t'ao (q.v.). During this period, Chiang developed close relations with the Ch'ing-pang (Green Gang), a Chinese secret society that had wide influence both in Shanghai and in areas along the Yangtze valley. The Green Gang had recognized social functions, and it also controlled much of the Shanghai underworld. In 1920 Chiang returned to active military duty at the behest of Sun Yat-sen. In October, Chiang arrived at Swatow to join Ch'en Chiung-ming's forces, which were beginning the successful advance on Canton that enabled Sun Yat-sen to resume power there. Chiang Kai-shek returned to Shanghai in November 1920 and evaded the repeated efforts of Sun and his close political associates, including Hu Han-min, Wang Ching-wei, and Liao Chung-k'ai (qq.v.) , to secure his return to Canton to help strengthen Sun's position. Chiang's refusal to remain at Canton was based on his opposition to working with Ch'en Chiung-ming in the south. In February 1 92 1 Chiang did go to Canton to confer with Sun Yat-sen, but by May of that year, when Sun assumed the office of extraordinary president of the new regime at Canton, Chiang had returned to his native village in Chekiang because of the serious illness of his mother.
His mother died on 1 4 June 1 92 1 , and Chiang remained at Fenghua to observe the traditional period of mourning. Sun Yat-sen sent Ch'en Kuo-fu to the funeral as his personal representative, and Chu Cheng (q.v.) and Tai Chi-t'ao also attended the services. The degree of official representation indicates that by mid- 1921 Chiang Kai-shek had begun to enjoy the personal patronage of Sun Yat-sen. In October 1921 Chiang returned to Canton. By that time Ch'en Chiung-ming had won a series of victories in Kwangsi, bringing the province under the military control of the Canton government. Encouraged by this success, Sun Yat-sen decided to carry the campaigns northward into Hunan and Hupeh as the next step toward the unification of China under his regime. Chiang Kai-shek was assigned to draft plans for the proposed northern expedition.
The conflict between Sun Yat-sen's national objectives and Ch'en Chiung-ming's ambition to hold Kwangtung under his own leadership became intense in the early months of 1922. In March, Teng K'eng (q.v.), the chief of staff of the Kwangtung Army and a staunch supporter of Sun Yat-sen, was assassinated at Canton; despite his vigorous denials, Ch'en Chiung-ming was thought to be responsible for the slaying. In June 1922 Chiang Kai-shek was at his family home in Chekiang, observing the conventional ritual of mourning on the first anniversary of his mother's death, when Ch'en Chiung-ming's associates decided that the time had come for an open break with Sun Yat-sen. Some of Ch'en's military forces then prepared for an attack on Sun. Sun was warned of the impending coup and escaped to the gunboat Yung-feng in the Pearl River.
Two days later, Chiang Kai-shek learned of the crisis from Wang Ching-wei, then in Shanghai. Wang's message was followed by an urgent telegram from Sun himself: "Emergency. Hope you come quickly." Chiang Kai-shek entrusted his family affairs to Chang Jen-chieh and left immediately for the south. He arrived at Canton on 29 June 1922 and joined Sun aboard the Yung-feng. They finally left for Hong Kong on 9 August on a British ship and reached Shanghai on 14 August 1922. Chiang later wrote about the Yung-feng interlude in a short memoir entitled Sun ta-tsung-fung Kuang-chou meng-nan chi [president Sun's harassment at Canton].
Chiang Kai-shek's political career was significantly advanced as a result of this episode. From 1912 to 1922 his role in the Kuomintang had been relatively unimportant, though Sun Yat-sen had respected the abilities of his young subordinate. The days spent together on the Yung-feng served to strengthen their relationship and to prepare the way for Chiang's rise to power.
Whampoa and the Northern Expedition
On 20 October 1922 Sun Yat-sen appointed Chiang Kai-shek chief of staff in Fukien, under Hsu Ch'ung-chih (q.v.). Hsu, a senior general of the Kwangtung Army who had remained loyal to Sun, had launched an attack on Fukien from Kwangtung and Kiangsi and had captured Foochow on 12 October. In January 1923 these Kwangtung forces, acting in support of Yunnan and Kwangsi armies, moved toward Canton and caused Ch'en Chiung-ming to withdraw to his stronghold in the East River area. Sun went to Canton in February to reestablish the military government of 1917. Chiang Kai-shek, after a trip to Chekiang, arrived in Canton on 20 April 1923 to serve as chief of staff in Sun's headquarters.
In working out the alliance with Adolf Joffe for cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Russians, Sun Yat-sen sent a special mission to Moscow to study questions of military organization and to obtain arms. He named Chiang Kai-shek to head the group, which also included Wang Teng-yun, a member of the Kuomintang; Chang T'ai-lei (q.v.), a Communist; and Shen Ting-i, who was a member of both parties. Chiang and his group left Shanghai on 16 August 1923 and arrived in Moscow on 2 September. During his stay in the Soviet Union, Chiang studied party, military, and political organization and inspected military and naval training schools. Leon Trotsky, the principal architect of the Soviet Red Army, and his colleagues met with Chiang. He was received by G. V. Chicherin, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, and by G. Zinoviev, as well as by such Comintern officials as Maring, Joffe, and G. H. Voitinsky. Chiang and his party left Moscow on 29 November 1923 and arrived in Shanghai on 15 December. Chiang immediately returned to his home at Fenghua to observe the sixtieth anniversary of the birth of his mother, on 16 December.
Chiang reached Canton on 16 January 1924 and submitted a report on his Russian trip to Sun Yat-sen and the senior Kuomintang leaders, who then were intent on completing plans for the party's reorganization. The report was not made public, but Chiang apparently had returned from the Soviet Union with a shrewd appreciation of the methods and potential strengths of the single-party state dictatorship. Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Canton just before the opening of the major Kuomintang reorganization meeting, but Sun did not appoint him a delegate to that congress.
At the First National Congress of the reorganized Kuomintang, held at Canton from 20 to 30 January 1924, Chiang was appointed to membership on the Military Council of the Kuomintang and was made head of a seven-man committee to establish a military academy at Whampoa, a small island some ten miles downriver from Canton. However, Chiang resigned from the committee and left Canton on 21 February 1924; the major responsibility for establishing the new academy fell to Liao Chung-k'ai. Only after repeated requests from Sun Yat-sen, Liao Chung-k'ai, Hu Han-min, and others did Chiang return to south China. After arriving at Canton on 21 April, he was appointed commandant of the Whampoa Military Academy on 3 May 1924.
The first class of cadets, some 500 students in all, arrived in May, and the opening ceremonies were held on 16 June 1924. Sun Yat-sen presided over the ceremonies and made a stirring speech in which he stressed the key role that was to be played by the Whampoa cadets in the national unification of China. Sun then presented the seal of the academy, the symbol of authority and leadership, to Chiang Kai-shek. The presence of many Kuomintang officials at the ceremony demonstrated the importance of the academy to the Nationalists.
Chiang personally supervised the military training of the 2,000 men in the first three classes of Whampoa cadets (entering in May 1924, August 1924, and January 1925). From this group came many of the Nationalist officers later known as members of the Whampoa clique and a number of officers who later served in the Chinese Communist forces. Many of the military instructors at Whampoa—Ch'ien Tachun, Ho Ying-ch'in, Liu Chih, Ku Chu-t'ung (qq.v.) , and others—later were close associates of Chiang Kai-shek as Nationalist generals.
In addition to military training, Sun Yat-sen felt that great emphasis should be placed on the indoctrination of the Kuomintang's principles of national revolution. He therefore made Liao Chung-k'ai the senior political officer at the academy and appointed as instructors Hu Hanmin, Tai Chi-t'ao, Wang Ching-wei, and others. Liao Chung-k'ai had full responsibility for supervising political training and indoctrination and helped to lay the foundations for the political commissar system used by the National Revolutionary Army on the Northern Expedition and by both the Nationalist and Communist armies in China after 1928. In connection with the pro-Russian orientation of the reorganized Kuomintang, Chiang Kai-shek worked closely with the Russian advisers at Canton, including Borodin and Bluecher (known as Galen), and with a number of Chinese Communists, notably Chou En-lai (q.v.), who became political instructors at Whampoa.
Although plans for building up Kuomintang strength with Soviet military aid were being implemented, the newly reorganized regime at Canton was not safe from danger. In eastern Kwangtung, Ch'en Chiung-ming remained a figure of considerable military power. In Canton, the Kuomintang's position was threatened in the autumn of 1924 by the armed defiance of the Canton Merchants Corps, a volunteer militia organization maintained by local Chinese businessmen. Sun Yat-sen had moved his headquarters to Shaokuan, and Hu Han-min was then the senior Kuomintang figure at Canton. Acting on orders from Sun, Hu summoned all the armed forces available at Canton and placed them under the command of Chiang Kai-shek. By mid- October, the Merchants Corps had been crushed and disarmed after a battle during which parts of Canton's most populous quarter had been set afire and looted by the government forces.
Late in 1924 Sun Yat-sen, who hoped to arrive at a rapprochement with the principal military figures of north China, was invited to visit Peking for discussions of major national issues. Before leaving for the north in mid- November, he paid an inspection visit to the Whampoa Academy, an occasion which marked the last meeting between Sun and Chiang Kai-shek. Sun was at Peking in January 1925 when Ch'en Chiung-ming launched a renewed offensive against Canton. In response, the Kuomintang regime there organized a so-called eastern expedition under the command of Hsü Ch'ung-chih. The right flank forces, composed of Whampoa cadets under the command of Chiang Kai-shek, defeated Ch'en's forces in a series of engagements. By the end of March, Ch'en's armies had been routed, and Chiang's force had occupied Haifeng, Swatow, and most of eastern Kwangtung.
The death of Sun Yat-sen in March 1925 resulted in new problems for the Kuomintang government at Canton, where Hu Han-min held authority. The most pressing threat was that of revolt by the Yunnan and Kwangsi mercenary armies in and around Canton. Hu Han-min handled this crisis with the same firmness that he had shown in dealing with the Canton Merchants Corps the previous autumn. After consultation with Hsu Ch'ung-chih and Chiang Kai-shek, Hu determined to use force against the unruly troops, and in June 1925 he suppressed the insurrection in two weeks.
From the summer of 1925 onward, Chiang Kai-shek's key military position at Canton was undisputed ; he was commandant of the Whampoa Academy and garrison commander of the city. After the establishment of a Kuomintang-controlled National Government at Canton in July 1925, Chiang was elected to its Military Council. Shortly thereafter, when the Kuomintang armed forces in Kwangtung were reorganized into the National Revolutionary Army, Chiang became commander of the First Army. His prestige was enhanced by his success in the second eastern expedition against Ch'en Chiung-ming, who had made a final attempt to dislodge the Kuomintang from Canton. In October, during the siege of Ch'en's stronghold of Waichow, Chiang was surrounded by enemy troops. He reportedly was rescued from his predicament by Ch'en Keng (q.v.), a young Communist officer who had been a member of the first class at Whampoa. By early November 1925, Chiang Kai-shek had finally defeated the last remnants of Ch'en Chiung-ming's forces in eastern Kwangtung.
During 1925 the party leaders also confronted the thorny succession problem. At the time of Sun Yat-sen's death, the major aspirants were generally assumed to be Hu Han-min, Wang Ching-wei, and Liao Chung-k'ai. All were T'ung-meng-hui veterans who had been friends of Sun and had enjoyed his confidence. Although Chiang Kai-shek had emerged as a new favorite of Sun during the early 1920's, his position in the Kuomintang hierarchy was not yet stabilized. In 1925 he was not a member of the Central Executive Committee. His speeches of this period indicate that Chiang believed that his primary mission was to serve the Kuomintang as a military officer. Nonetheless, in the months preceding the Northern Expedition a number of circumstances worked to Chiang's advantage and brought him to the forefront of political affairs.
The assassination of Liao Chung-k'ai in August 1925, the banishment of Hu Han-min, and the dismissal of Hsu Ch'ung-chih left Chiang and Wang Ching-wei as the leaders in the Kuomintang. Chiang's position was buttressed by the crucial fact that at the time he supported the alliance with the Soviet Union and, in turn, had the support of Borodin. By the beginning of 1926, in preparation for the Northern Expedition, Chiang and Wang were carrying out the policies of collaboration with the Communists and alliance with the Soviet Union and were arranging the entente with T'ang Sheng-chih (q.v.) that made possible the later military thrust northward through Hunan. In January 1926, when the Second National Congress of the Kuomintang met at Canton, Chiang and Wang, supported by Borodin and in cooperation with the Chinese Communist delegates, dominated the meeting in opposition to the conservative Western Hills faction of the party. At that congress, Chiang Kai-shek was elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.
On 20 March 1926, in connection with an alleged plot involving the gunboat Chungshan, Chiang moved suddenly against the Communists. He imposed martial law, detained the gunboat commander, and arrested many Soviet advisers and Chinese Communist cadres in military units under his command. The March 1926 incident resulted in the retirement of Wang Ching-wei from the political scene and in the assumption by Chiang Kai-shek of a dominant position in the power structure at Canton.
At the second plenum of the Second Central Executive Committee, held on 15 May 1926, Chiang moved forward. He proposed a series of actions to curtail Communist influence in the Kuomintang. They were accepted, and Chiang became truly powerful in the party in his own right. Chang Jen-chieh, Chiang's former patron and intimate associate in Shanghai, was elevated to the post of chairman of the standing committee of the Central Executive Committee, and Communists then serving as department heads in the central apparatus of the Kuomintang were ousted. Chiang Kai-shek himself succeeded the Communist T'an P'ing-shan as head of the organization department, while Ku Meng-yu succeeded Mao Tse-tung, who had been acting head of the central propaganda department. Chiang soon named Ch'en Kuo-fu to head the organization department, and from that time Ch'en Kuo-fu and his brother Ch'en Li-fu continued to hold dominant positions in that key organ of the Kuomintang for more than 20 years.
By mid- 1926 Chiang Kai-shek had consolidated a base in Kwangtung, and plans had been completed for the launching of the Northern Expedition. On 5 June, Chiang was named commander in chief of the National Revolutionary Army. On 9 July, he assumed office as supreme commander. The induction ceremony was impressive, with an estimated 50,000 people present when T'an Yen-k'ai, in his capacity as chairman of the National Government at Canton, presented Chiang with the official seal. Wu Chih-hui (q.v.) presented the army flag, and Sun Yat-sen's son, Sun Fo (q.v.), held a portrait of his father to symbolize the fact that the campaign was designed to carry out Sun's unrealized ambition of unifying China. Under Chiang Kai-shek's over-all command, Teng Yen-ta (q.v.) headed the general political department, with Kuo Mo-jo (q.v.) as his deputy. The forces during the first stage (1926-27) of the Northern Expedition were composed of eight armies: three from Hunan, two from Kwangtung, one from Kwangsi, one from Yunnan, and one commanded by Chiang's close associate Ho Ying-ch'in, a Kweichow officer who had served as dean of instruction at Whampoa. The Nationalist war plan called for a drive northward through Hunan to strike at Wu P'ei-fu (q.v.) in Hupeh.
The initial speed and success of the Northern Expedition forces was impressive. Changsha, the provincial capital of Hunan, was captured quickly; and Chiang, who arrived from Canton on 12 August, was greeted by the local populace as a conquering hero. By the end of August, Nationalist forces had secured the areas south of Tung-t'ing Lake in Hunan and had captured Ting-ssu-ch'iao and Ho-sheng-ch'iao, two key points on the railway leading to Wuchang. In these battles Chang Fa-k'uei (q.v.), then a division commander in the Fourth Army, gained national reputation as a military leader. Assault on the three Wuhan cities of Wuchang, Hanyang, and Hankow began at once. Hankow and Hanyang fell in early September, and Wuchang was captured on 10 October 1926, the fifteenth anniversary of the republican revolution.
After the defeat of Wu P'ei-fu's forces in the central Yangtze valley, Chiang turned his attention to Kiangsi, then controlled by Sun Ch'uan-fang (q.v.). Three Nationalist armies were deployed in that province: the First, the Third, and the Sixth. Nanchang, the provincial capital, fell in November 1926, and Chiang Kai-shek established his headquarters there. Ho Ying-ch'in's forces then moved into Fukien and captured Foochow, the provincial capital, in December. At the beginning of 1927 the Nationalists launched a two-pronged attack on Chiang's native province of Chekiang, with Ho Ying-ch'in advancing from Fukien and the Kwangsi general Pai Ch'ung-hsi (q.v.), from eastern Kiangsi. Hangchow, the provincial capital of Chekiang, fell on 19 January 1927, opening the way for a drive on Shanghai. As Pai Ch'ung-hsi advanced, there was heavy fighting along the rail line between Hangchow and Shanghai, notably against White Russian mercenary troops commanded by Chang Tsungch'ang (q.v.), the Shantung warlord who then was cooperating with Sun Ch'uan-fang. Pai Ch'ung-hsi's forces entered Shanghai on 22 March 1927. Aided by the defection of Ch'en T'iao-yuan, Chiang Kai-shek, directing Li Tsung-jen on the north bank of the Yangtze and Ch'eng Ch'ien on the south, gained control of Anhwei and captured Nanking on 24 March. The capture of Shanghai and Nanking ended the first stage of the Northern Expedition.
However, an international crisis developed at Nanking. Anti-foreign activities by units of Ch'eng Ch'ien's army, in which the Communist Lin Po-ch'ü (q.v.) served as party representative, provoked retaliation by British and American gunboats stationed on the Yangtze patrol. Chiang Kai-shek, as commander in chief of the Nationalist forces, took a cautious position, stating that the Nationalist forces were not basically anti-foreign. After a brief visit to the newly captured city, Chiang went to Shanghai and did not return to Nanking until early April.
Although military successes had been impressive, the uneasy alliance with the Communists continued to pose serious problems for the Kuomintang and threatened for a time to disrupt the unity essential to Nationalist success. When Chiang Kai-shek left Canton in the summer of 1926 to direct military operations in the field, party and government affairs at Canton were under the direction of Chang Jenchieh and T'an Yen-k'ai, respectively. Chiang Kai-shek, against the wishes of the Communists, advocated moving the party and government organs northward from Canton. After he had gained a victory at Nanchang in November 1926, Chiang wished to make that city the principal Nationalist base so that he could keep both military and political power under his supervision. In December, senior Kuomintang leaders, including T'an Yen-k'ai, moved from Canton to Nanchang. In January 1927 another political regime, composed of both Kuomintang and Communist figures, began to function at Wuhan. Because of political and personal differences, the problem of the basic geographical locus of Kuomintang political authority remained unsettled for several months. In April, Chiang Kai-shek and his associates began a drive against the Communists and other groups considered radical. Large numbers of people in the labor unions and other Communist-infiltrated organizations in and around Shanghai were arrested and executed.
On 18 April 1927 Chiang and other opponents of the Wuhan group organized a new national government at Nanking, headed by a five-man standing committee which included Hu Han-min and other prominent figures who were opposed to the alliance with the Communists. The Nanking authorities sponsored a party purification drive to crush Communist influence and activity in areas under their effective control. In June 1927 Chiang Kai-shek held a meeting at Hsuchow with Feng Yü-hsiang, who then held a key position between the two contending factions of the Kuomintang. As a result of that conference, Feng Yü-hsiang decided to give his military support to Chiang Kai-shek. In July, Feng began to purge Communist political cadres in areas under his control. Wang Ching-wei, the senior Kuomintang leader at Wuhan, also broke with the Communists and began a vigorous suppression campaign in the central Yangtze area.
As a result of these moves, the various Kuomintang factions began discussions that eventually led to the merging of the rival Wuhan and Nanking regimes. Chiang Kai-shek, despite his growing national prestige, still had less political seniority within the Kuomintang than either Hu Han-min or Wang Ching-wei. His military reputation was tarnished by an ill-planned northward thrust in July 1927; he lost the strategically important city of Hsuchow to the joint forces of Sun Ch'uan-fang and Chang Tsung-ch'ang. In August, pressed by the need for party unity and faced with the opposition of the Kwangsi generals (notably Li Tsung-jen and Pai Ch'ung-hsi), Chiang announced his retirement. He left Nanking and returned to his home at Fenghua. On 27 September, Chiang sailed from Shanghai for Japan.
In part, Chiang's trip to Japan in late 1927 was motivated by personal considerations: to work out the details of a proposal of marriage to Soong Mei-ling (q.v.), the younger sister of T. V. Soong and Soong Ch'ing-ling (qq.v.). Although Soong Ch'ing-ling strongly opposed the marriage, her mother, the widow of Charles Jones Soong, finally gave consent on the condition that Chiang investigate Christianity. Chiang agreed and returned to Shanghai on 10 November.
The wedding, an event of political as well as social significance, was celebrated at two impressive ceremonies in Shanghai on 1 December 1927. The first was a Christian service held in the Soong home, at which David Yui (Yu Jihchang, q.v.), general secretary of the national committee of the YMCA in China, officiated. The Chinese ceremony was held in the grand ballroom of the Majestic Hotel, with Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, the former chancellor of National Peking University and elder statesman of the Kuomintang, presiding. The union made Chiang a member by marriage of the family group that included T. V. Soong and H. H. K'ung (q.v.), the husband of Mei-ling's eldest sister, Ai-ling. Because his first wife was still living and had not been divorced from him and because the December 1927 union was a matter of national importance, Chiang Kai-shek's second marriage was the subject of much controversy and adverse comment. Criticism subsided somewhat when, on 23 October 1930, Chiang Kai-shek was baptized by Z. T. Kaung (Chiang Ch'ang-ch'uan, q.v.) at Allen Memorial Church in Shanghai.
At the beginning of 1928 Chiang resumed his position as the leader of the Nationalist military forces, serving as chairman of the National Military Council and commander in chief of the second stage of the Northern Expedition. For the offensive against the generals holding power in north China, four group armies were formed. Chiang Kai-shek himself commanded the First Group Army, with Ho Ying-ch'in as his chief of staff. Feng Yü-hsiang (q.v.) commanded the Second Group Army; Yen Hsi-shan (q.v.), the Third; and, somewhat later, Li Tsung-jen, the Fourth, with Pai Ch'ung-hsi as front line commander. Since the forces of Wu P'ei-fu and Sun Ch'uan-fang south of the Yangtze had been destroyed, the principal enemy remaining in the north was Chang Tso-lin (q.v.), who then dominated the Peking government. As the Nationalist forces moved northward, the Japanese, who had extensive interests on the mainland, became alarmed at the prospect of a unified China and took action in Shantung, ostensibly to protect Japanese nationals in that province. The result was a clash on 3 May 1928 at Tsinan (see Ho Yao-tsu). Chiang wished to avoid a serious confrontation with the Japanese. He therefore ordered the Nationalist forces to withdraw southward to Hsuchow and to detour along the Lunghai rail line before turning northward again. Chiang himself, after a series of meetings with such prominent commanders as Feng Yü-hsiang and Yen Hsi-shan, returned to Nanking at the beginning ofJune 1928. The Nationalist forces in north China finally captured Peking in June. After its capture, the commanders of the four army groups which had participated in the second stage of the Northern Expedition—Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yü-hsiang, Yen Hsi-shan, and Li Tsung-jen—met at the temple in the Western Hills which then housed the remains of Sun Yat-sen for preliminary discussions of the problem of military reorganization.
The Nationalist Decade
The year 1928 marked another crucial turning point in Chiang Kai-shek's career, for the Northern Expedition had broken the power of the northern generals. At the same time, Chiang moved to consolidate his political position. Although he had been elected chairman of the Central Political Council in March 1928, he still had no political machine within the party. Ch'en Kuo-fu and Ch'en Li-fu suggested the establishment of a political center at Nanking for training Kuomintang cadres. Through the Central Political Institute and the organization department of the central headquarters of the Kuomintang, the Ch'en brothers took control of the party structure. Chiang himself became Chairman of the National Government established at Nanking on 10 October 1928, inaugurating the five-yuan system of government stipulated by Sun Yat-sen. The Northern Expedition had achieved its military goals, and, by the end of the year, the Nationalist flag had been raised over all of China, including Manchuria. Throughout the world, Chiang Kai-shek was considered the single leader of a unified China. He was so regarded for more than 20 years.
The unity of China was somewhat illusory. Chiang Kai-shek's control was accepted formally, but rarely in practice, by a large number of relatively autonomous leaders and groups with regional bases of power. The major failure of the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek was that it was unable to create an organization sufficiently broad and disciplined to implement Nanking's political and social goals on a national basis. The National Government did manage to make some significant reconstruction during the years before the Sino-Japanese war, particularly in the period from 1932 to 1935, when Wang Ching-wei headed the Executive Yuan. In general, however, the National Government was unable to extend its rule throughout China, and its authority was contested by the Chinese Communists and threatened by Japanese aggression on the mainland.
The most serious external threat to China during the Nationalist decade was Japan. The incident at Tsinan in May 1928 had demonstrated Japan's concern about the potential Nationalist threat to their interests and investments. Japanese aggression was evidenced by the incident at Mukden in September 1931 and by the fighting at Shanghai in January 1932. Even after the establishment of the Japanesesponsored state of Manchoukuo and the continued Japanese military pressure in north China and Inner Mongolia, Chiang Kai-shek adhered to policies toward Japan that his political enemies called appeasement. Chiang argued that China, to sustain its national defense, to avenge long humiliation, and to avoid future encroachments, had to deal with its domestic problems before declaring war on Japan.
Chiang Kai-shek's domestic opponents were Chinese Communists and a number of Kuomintang members or independent generals who opposed Chiang and his associates at Nanking. Non-Communist challenges to Chiang's authority came initially from the Kwangsi generals, notably Li Tsung-jen and Pai Ch'ung-hsi, who, although allied with Chiang on the Northern Expedition, were reluctant to obey him. Their 1929 split with Chiang resulted in repeated clashes. In 1930 Feng Yü-hsiang and Yen Hsishan, who had substantial military power in north China, began a brief but destructive civil war with Nanking. Wang Ching-wei joined them in an attempt to establish a rival regime at Peiping, a move that failed because Chiang Kai-shek gained the passive cooperation of Chang Hsueh-liang, who controlled Manchuria. Another crisis arose in February 1931, when Chiang Kai-shek came into conflict at Nanking with the veteran Kuomintang leader Hu Hanmin. Chiang placed Hu Han-min under house arrest. In April, four senior members of the Central Supervisory Committee of the Kuomintang issued a statement calling for the impeachment of Chiang Kai-shek for unconstitutional action; and in May 1931 a group of important southern Kuomintang leaders gathered together at Canton in a conference that led to the formation there of a new opposition government which repudiated the authority of Nanking. The situation was saved for Chiang Kai-shek by the national emergency precipitated by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in September 1931. This led to peace talks between Nanking and Canton, the release of Hu Han-min, and a measure of reconciliation obtained at the price of Chiang Kai-shek's temporary retirement that winter. In November 1933 Ch'en Ming-shu (q.v.), a prominent figure of the Kwangtung faction in the Kuomintang, led a revolt in Fukien against Nanking. The Fukien rebels violently denounced the authority of Chiang Kai-shek and adopted a platform calling for resistance to Japanese aggression and for democratic government in China. The Fukien regime failed to attract support, however, and Chiang Kai-shek was able to suppress it by January 1934.
The growing military power of the Chinese Communists was a threat to Nanking's authority. Because the unification of China was Chiang's major objective, beginning in the winter of 1930 he launched five successive campaigns to annihilate the Communist military forces in the rural areas of south central China. Chiang continued to concentrate on fighting the Communists and destroying their base areas rather than on facing the Japanese military forces. In 1932 he established his personal headquarters at Wuhan to direct campaigns against the Communist bases in Honan, Hupeh, and Anhwei. Chiang then moved his field command post to Nanchang, Kiangsi, to launch encircling campaigns in 1933-34 directed at the central soviet base.
A few years earlier, Chiang had begun to make extensive use of German military officers in training his troops. Colonel Max Bauer, General Hermann Kriebel, and Lieutenant General Georg von Wetzell served successively as his chief military advisers, and Captain Walter Stennes trained his personal bodyguard. Colonel-General Hans von Seeckt, one of the leading professional officers of the modern German army and chief of staff of the Reichswehr after the First World War, headed the German military mission in China during 1934— 35. Chiang also tried to enforce his programs through the New Life Movement. On 19 February 1934 he made a speech at Nanchang in which he called for a "movement to achieve a new life" for China. In March, he further clarified his ideas and set forth his program in a series of four speeches. The New Life Movement's program of moral reform was based on traditional Chinese virtues and on similar Christian virtues such as frugality and simplicity. Its avowed purpose was to curb the spread of Communism by revitalizing the spirit of the Chinese people, thus enabling China to achieve true national unity. Although in 1934 the movement made some progress toward achieving its aims, it lost momentum thereafter.
Chiang Kai-shek finally succeeded in surrounding the principal Communist base in Kiangsi in late 1934 and in forcing the main body of the Communists to evacuate to northwest China. However, the increase in Japanese troop movements and political pressures in north China during 1935 not only diverted public attention from the Communists but also created a wave of sentiment in China opposing the prolongation of the Kuomintang-Communist civil war. The Chinese Communist command, alert to public opinion and to Moscow's strategy changes, in late 1935 pressed for an anti- Japanese united front to mobilize national resistance against Japan.
In December 1935 Chiang was chosen president of the Executive Yuan, succeeding Wang Ching-wei. As the civilian head of the National Government while it was pursuing a generally unpopular policy of temporizing with Japan, Wang had been unable to profit politically from the rising opposition. Rather, he lost popularity while shielding Chiang from anti-appeasement criticism. By this time, Chiang Kai-shek had consolidated his control at Nanking. His personal domination of the Kuomintang party apparatus had been clearly demonstrated at the Fifth National Congress, held at Nanking in November 1935. The Communists had been exiled to the remote reaches of northern Shensi by late 1935 and appeared to constitute no major threat to the National Government, and the 1936 rebellion of Ch'en Chi-t'ang in Kwangtung was quelled after Ch'en's air force and several of his senior officers defected.
When Chiang Kai-shek reached the age of 50 sui in October 1936, he was presented with 50 aircraft to bolster China's nascent air force. Two months later the Sian Incident precipitated a new national crisis. On 12 December 1936, while on an inspection trip to Sian in northwest China to confer with the Nationalist commanders entrusted with the task of suppressing the Communists, Chiang was seized and detained by Chang Hsueh-liang and others, whose major demands were that the civil war against the Communists be terminated in favor of a national united front against the Japanese and that the National Government at Nanking be reorganized.
The negotiations assumed a new form with the arrival at Sian on 15 December of a Chinese Communist delegation, headed by Chou En-lai, which had been informed that the Soviet Union favored the preservation of Chiang Kai-shek as the national leader of China. Chiang's adviser W. H. Donald flew to Sian on 14 December. T. V. Soong arrived on 20 December, and Madame Chiang Kai-shek arrived two days later. Although he did not put his acceptance of the rebel demands in writing, Chiang presumably accepted them; he was released on 25 December 1936. Paradoxically, Chiang Kai-shek, through the Sian Incident, became the popular symbol of what he had opposed for years: a genuine united front against Japan.
Chiang Kai-shek and the Conflict With Japan
After the Sian Incident of December 1936, the national leadership of Chiang Kai-shek was accepted by his critics and adversaries. Presumably to make return for the Communists' part in securing his release, he was obliged to cooperate with them in a united front against the Japanese. The Sino-Japanese war broke out in the summer of 1937, and in September the Kuomintang and the Communists set forth the terms of their collaboration in a political agreement. Chiang's position as a national political figure was not basically affected by the agreement, however, and he retained full powers as commander in chief of China's war effort.
The Japanese attacked at Lukouchiao near Peiping on 7 July 1937. Japanese units occupied Peiping and Tientsin and took control of major rail lines. In August 1937 they attacked Shanghai. In spite of the sharp resistance of Chinese units during the autumn, the city fell on 12 November. The same month, the National Government at Nanking decided to move to Chungking. Chiang Kai-shek left Nanking for Kiangsi and Wuhan only a few days before the Japanese took the city on 13 December 1937. The Japanese acted with violence against the Chinese in the "rape of Nanking," earning international rebuke. A second phase of the Japanese military invasion saw deeper penetration of the Yangtze valley during the summer of 1938, with simultaneous campaigns to consolidate control of the rail system in north China and to seal off Canton in the south. In October 1938 the Japanese occupied the Wuhan cities and Canton. By the end of 1938, after the needless burning of Changsha, the capital of Hunan province, by the Chinese themselves (see Chang Chih-chung), Chiang Kai-shek himself had withdrawn to Chungking.
Although the Japanese began air raids on Chungking in May 1939, Chiang's refugee government was secure there because the city was geographically remote from the main body of the Japanese ground forces in China. The Sino-Japanese conflict became a holding operation as the Japanese attempted to consolidate control in the rich and populous areas that they had already occupied.
During this period, Chiang Kai-shek also had to contend with changes in his family affairs. His elder brother, Chiang Hsi-hou, died at Fenghua on 27 December 1936, almost immediately after the Sian Incident. In April 1937 Chiang Ching-kuo, after spending some 12 years in the Soviet Union, returned to China. Chiang Kai-shek, who went to Fenghua that month to attend the burial of his elder brother, met Chiang Ching-kuo at Hangchow and took him to the family home at Ch'ik'ou. Mao, Chiang's first wife, still lived there, and she was happy to be reunited with her son and to see her grandchildren. During the Sian Incident, she reportedly had offered to give up her life to win Chiang Kai-shek's release. Although that story may have been apocryphal, it was thought by many Chinese to be of symbolic significance. She reportedly was killed in a Japanese air raid on Fenghua on 25 December 1937, exactly one year after Chiang's release.
Chiang Kai-shek continued to operate on the assumption that the Kuomintang was the party destined to rule China. In the early stages of the Sino-Japanese conflict he assigned a significant number of troops to contain the new Communist territorial base in northwest China. He agreed to nominal incorporation of the Communist forces into the national military establishment, but those units never came under his control and the alliance was an uneasy one. It was later ruptured by the New Fourth Army incident of January 1941 (see Yeh T'ing). Chiang also consolidated his position as the leader of the Kuomintang. In March 1938, when the Kuomintang convened the Extraordinary Congress at Hankow, the party constitution was modified to permit the election of Chiang Kai-shek as tsung-ts'ai [party leader], a rank equivalent to that of tsung-li, which was reserved for Sun Yat-sen alone. Chiang now had veto power over all party decisions. In recognition of his seniority in the party, Wang Ching-wei was elected deputy tsung-ts'ai. At the March 1938 meeting, the Kuomintang adopted the Program of National Resistance to serve as the formal framework of government policy during the Japanese invasion. It also took action to create the People's Political Council, designed to give representation to all of the active political groups in China, including the Chinese Communist party.
Within the Kuomintang, the major development of the early wartime period was the defection of Wang Ching-wei. During the first year of the Japanese invasion, Wang had become increasingly dubious of China's ability to sustain a protracted war against Japan. In December 1938 he left west China for Hanoi in French Indo-China, where he issued a public declaration requesting Chiang Kai-shek to halt armed resistance and to negotiate a peaceful settlement with the Japanese. Chiang refused and at the beginning of 1939 had Wang Ching-wei expelled from the Kuomintang. Wang lingered at Hanoi during the first few weeks of that year, and Chiang remained uncertain of his intentions. Then, in March 1939, several armed men broke into Wang's residence at Hanoi. Wang himself was uninjured, but his long-time protege and confidant, Tseng Chung-ming (q.v.), was fatally wounded. Wang Ching-wei believed that Chiang Kai-shek was responsible for the murder of Tseng. He immediately severed all relations with Chungking and began to work in collaboration with Japanese representatives. The Japanese-sponsored Nanking government was inaugurated on 30 March 1940, with Wang Ching-wei as its top-ranking official, and was given formal diplomatic recognition by Japan in November.
Although Chiang Kai-shek did not hold the office of chief of state at Chungking, he dominated the National Government through the Kuomintang and through his position as chairman of the Military Affairs Commission. In February 1939 he became chairman of the Supreme National Defense Council. As the wartime replacement of the Central Political Council, the Supreme National Defense Council was the highest political organ in Chungking.
In the early days of the Sino-Japanese war, although Chungking's prospects for victory were dim, the only country to come to Chiang Kair shek's assistance was the Soviet Union. Under the terms of the August 1937 Sino-Soviet treaty fo non-aggression, the Russians, for strategic reasons of their own, supported the National Government against their common enemy. The Russians shipped war materiel to west China and sent pilots and aircraft to assist in the air war against Japan. However, the outbreak of war in Europe in September 1939 served to increase the political isolation of Chiang Kai-shek's government. Acceding to a Japanese demand, the British in July 1940 closed the Burma Road to Chinese traffic for three months, thereby cutting China's major overland link with Rangoon and with the outside world. The United States, though intermittently denouncing Japanese aggression, continued to permit the shipping of strategic and critical materials to Japan, while granting Chiang Kai-shek only modest assistance. In December 1938 and March 1940 Washington extended commercial credits to China after negotiations with the prominent banker K. P. Ch'en (Ch'en Kuang-fu, q.v.). But it was not until November 1940 that the United States granted Chiang a credit of US$100 million, half to be used for general purposes, half for currency stabilization in China. Because of Chiang Kai-shek's desire for German military advice, the Germans, despite the fact that they were formal allies ofJapan under the Anti-Comintern Pact of November 1936, continued to aid China during the early wartime period. After the return of Colonel-General von Seeckt to Berlin in March 1935, Chiang had requested further German military assistance, and Hitler had complied by sending General Alexander von Falkenhausen to replace him. At the end of 1937, the German ambassador in China, Oskar Trautmann, attempted unsuccessfully to mediate between China and Japan to restore peace. General von Falkenhausen continued to serve Chiang Kai-shek until 1938, when he was recalled because ofJapanese pressure on the German government. But it was not until 1 July 1941 that Chiang Kai-shek broke diplomatic relations with Berlin and Rome after those Axis governments had extended recognition to the Japanese-sponsored regime at Nanking.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 caused the entry of the United States into the global conflict. In the China theater, the Japanese continued to maintain their positions and worked to extend their control into Southeast Asia so that they could utilize its natural resources. Although the National Government at Chungking was recognized as the legitimate government of China by both the Western powers and the Soviet Union, Chiang Kai-shek's effective control in China was confined largely to the inland provinces. The Japanese-occupied areas, a group of semiautonomous regions stretching from the Amur river in northern Manchuria to the Gulf of Tonkin in the south, comprised well over half of the area, population, and resources of China. The Communist-controlled areas, also a group of semi-autonomous areas in north, east, and central China, were loyal to the Communist insurgent government at Yenan. The best policy for the Nationalists, Chiang believed, was to contain the Communist areas and to strengthen the political position of the National Government by all means at his disposal.
China declared war on Japan, Germany, and Italy on 9 December 1941 and pledged full support to the Allied cause. A military conference held in late December at Chungking, attended by Chiang Kai-shek, Major General George H. Brett of the United States, and General Sir Archibald P. Wavell of Great Britain, paved the way for the creation of a Chinese theater of operations as part of the Allied war effort. In July 1942, Chiang Kai-shek was designated supreme commander of this war theater, which also included Indo-China and Thailand. President Franklin D. Roosevelt then appointed Lieutenant General Joseph W. Stilwell of the United States Army to assume command of American armed forces in the China- Burma-India theater and to serve concurrently as chief of staff under Chiang Kai-shek. The American Volunteer Group (AVG) of pilots, organized in August 1941 by retired Lieutenant Colonel Claire C. Chennault, who had come to China in 1938, and better known as the Flying Tigers, was converted into the United States Fourteenth Air Force. In addition to these initial measures, the United States granted a major loan of US$500 million to China in February 1942; it was followed in July by a British loan of £50 million.
The fall of Hong Kong on 25 December 1941 and of Singapore on 15 February 1942 was indicative of the rapid progress of the Japanese military thrust in the Far East. Because of the serious deterioration of the Allied military position in the Far East, in 1942 Chiang Kai-shek took the initiative in international politics for the first time. If India were to succumb to Japanese political and military pressures, the Allies' strategic situation in Asia might become extremely difficult. Chiang said that if he could meet with Gandhi he might be able to convince the Indian leader to give firm support to the Allied cause. Otherwise, Chiang thought, because relations between the Indian Nationalist leaders and Whitehall were strained, India might be swayed by Japan's pan-Asian, anti- Western propaganda. The British were critical of Chiang's plan, but President Roosevelt endorsed it. In February 1942 Chiang and his wife made a two-week trip to India. They talked with Gandhi at Calcutta about the common anti-imperialist interests of the two most populous countries of Asia, and with the British Viceroy at New Dehli. However, the mission was not notably successful.
The 1942 anniversary celebrations of the Wuchang revolt of 10 October 1911 marked a memorable point in Chiang Kai-shek's career as a national political leader. The governments of the United States and Great Britain simultaneously informed the Chinese National Government at Chungking of their intention to relinquish extraterritoriality and other special rights in China and to negotiate new treaties based on equality and reciprocity. Three months later, on 10 January 1943, new Sino- American and Sino-British treaties were signed. Although executed under the pressure of wartime exigencies at a time when a substantial part of China was under Japanese military control, the new treaties with the principal Western powers were widely represented in China as the final realization of one of the major aims of modern Chinese nationalism (and of the Kuomintang) and as a personal triumph for Chiang Kai-shek. In a message to the Chinese nation entitled "New Treaties, New Responsibilities," Chiang declared triumphantly: "After fifty years of bloody revolution and five and a half years of a war of resistance during which great sacrifices have been made, we have at last transformed the painful record of one hundred years of the unequal treaties into the glorious record of their abolition .... with our past humiliations wiped out and our independence and freedom regained, we can have the chance to make our country strong."
Chiang Kai-shek's view of the postwar world and of China's place in it was set forth explicitly in his Chung-kuo chih ming-yun (China's Destiny), his only extended political treatise. It was published at Chungking in March 1943 to mark the eighteenth anniversary of the death of Sun Yat-sen, and copies of it were distributed throughout China. Many Chinese observers regarded Chinas Destiny as Chiang Kai-shek's response to Mao Tse-tung's On New Democracy, which had appeared in January 1940. Chinese and many Japanese as well—noted that, though China's Destiny appeared almost simultaneously with the repudiation of extraterratoriality by Western powers, the book was essentially an extended diatribe against the evils of Western "imperialism."
After the sudden death of Lin Sen (q.v.) on 1 August 1943, Chiang succeeded Lin as chief of state. On 10 October 1943 he was inaugurated Chairman of the National Government of the Republic of China. In the Moscow Declaration of October, China was recognized, chiefly on the insistence of the United States, as one of the four "great powers" that would mold the postwar world. Chiang Kai-shek's international prestige as the leader of China was enhanced when he was invited by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill to attend the Cairo Conference. Chiang flew to Cairo accompanied by Madame Chiang Kai-shek, Wang Ch'ung-hui (q.v.), and a staff of personal advisers. After meeting in conference, the three allied leaders, in the Cairo Declaration of 1 December 1943, announced their joint intention to bring Japan to submission. In the event of victory over Japan, China was promised the return of Manchuria, Taiwan, and the Pescadores. Chiang also won a specific war commitment for a joint Allied action, Operation Buccaneer, in the Burma theater. However, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill then met with Stalin at the Teheran Conference, which reduced the importance of China in the over-all war picture and brought greater emphasis to Operation Overlord, the Normandy landing scheduled for the following spring. Operation Buccaneer was cancelled. Chiang was angry. He asked President Roosevelt for a billion-dollar loan, double the number of planes previously agreed on, and an increase in the airlift of supplies into China. Perhaps the most significant result of Chiang's request was a diminishing of Roosevelt's flexibility and friendliness in dealing with China.
Both Chiang Kai-shek at Chungking and the Japanese government at Tokyo were aware of the expansion and potential explosiveness of Chinese Communist power. Although they were declared enemies on national grounds, they nevertheless shared a measure of concern about the long-term threat of Chinese Communist power allied with Soviet power in Asia. Although the Chinese Communists had maintained a small liaison mission at Chungking, after 1941 they had begun to devote most of their energies to expanding their organizational network in the rural areas of north and east China and to developing a solid base of peasant support in areas behind the Japanese lines. During 1943, after Shigemitsu Mamoru, who had been Japanese ambassador to Wang Ching-wei 's government at Nanking, returned to Tokyo to become Japanese foreign minister, a so-called new China policy was gradually evolved in Japan. Aimed essentially at arranging a mutually advantageous political settlement with Chiang Kai-shek, this policy provided for Japan to modify her earlier ambitions for domination of East Asia, while at the same time blocking the return of the Western powers to their former positions of political, economic, and military influence. In a new and more liberal treaty of alliance between Tokyo and Nanking concluded in October 1943 and in covert peace overtures to Chungking, Tokyo pressed the line that Chiang Kai-shek's long-range interests actually lay in severing relations with the United States and Great Britain and in collaborating with likeminded Asian leaders to exterminate the Chinese Communist movement. Although Chiang Kai-shek did not respond openly to the Japanese gestures, some observers felt that he believed the Chinese Communists to be a greater long-term threat to his interests than the Japanese.
Because the major weight of Allied military power remained committed in the European theater, the year 1 944 brought a series of hardships and frustrations to Chiang Kai-shek. One major objective of Japanese military policy was to open a direct rail route through China from Manchoukuo to Canton and thence to Indo- China. In the spring of 1944, therefore, the Japanese increased their pressure on Honan and Hunan, and in May, Changsha, the capital of Hunan, fell into Japanese hands. Hengyang was overrun in August, and the Japanese then had no difficulty in thrusting from Hunan into Kwangsi. After that breakthrough, the Japanese soon seized Kweilin, Liuchow, and Nanning in October and advanced along the rail line toward Kweichow. In December 1944 the capture of Tushan by an advance Japanese column created panic at Chungking, but it proved to be the terminal point of the Japanese offensive.
During the period from 1941 to 1944, the American ambassador at Chungking was Clarence E. Gauss, the last career diplomat to serve as ambassador on the mainland. During 1944 Gauss and other American diplomats in China became increasingly pessimistic about the political-military situation there. They were concerned by the virtual collapse of Chinese resistance on the east China front and the Japanese capture of the important Kweilin air base in November 1944. They believed that, in areas under Chiang Kai-shek's control, Chinese morale and the Chinese war effort were hampered by political negativism and official apathy. Another source of concern to the Americans was the growing gulf between Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communists.
While Gauss was serving as ambassador, Washington dispatched a series of special envoys to increase cooperation with Chiang Kai-shek and to bolster the morale of the Chinese. Among the envoys were Wendell Willkie (October 1942) and Vice President Henry A. Wallace (June 1944). Donald M. Nelson, chairman of the War Production Board, and Major General Patrick J. Hurley headed a mission that arrived in China in September 1944.
In October, Washington recalled General Stilwell, ending his long-standing feud with Chiang Kai-shek. Gauss resigned on 1 November, and General Hurley replaced him as ambassador. Hurley held that post for less than a year, during which he made unsuccessful attempts to bridge the gap between Chiang Kai-shek and the Communists.
Despite all problems, throughout the war years Chiang Kai-shek remained the recognized national leader of China. He continued to be the dominant figure in the military and in the Kuomintang. In May 1945, the Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang, meeting at Chungking, reelected Chiang Kai-shek to the position of tsung-ts'ai and elected a new and greatly enlarged Central Executive Committee designed to link non-Communist political figures and peripheral power centers to Chiang's cause. The status of China among the major world powers was confirmed when, in the spring of 1945 at San Francisco, China was made a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations.
On the occasion of the V-J (Victory in Japan) celebrations, observed in China by a three-day holiday beginning on 3 September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek was hailed as the man whose "unswerving and sagacious leadership" had brought the nation safely through the difficult war years. Chiang named his veteran military associate Ho Ying-ch'in, the commander of the Nationalist ground forces, to accept the surrender of the Japanese forces in China. General Okamura, the Japanese commanding general, formally surrendered to Ho Ying-ch'in at Nanking on 9 September 1945. Then Chinese Nationalist forces entered the Japanese-held coastal cities of China.
Contest for the Mainland
Chiang Kai-shek's power in China had diminished during the wartime years. With Japan defeated, he and the Communists turned to confront each other. With reference to the Communists, Chiang took an uncompromising stand in his V-J Day message to the Chinese nation. Mao Tse-tung, in orders issued at Yenan following the announcement of Japan's willingness to surrender, instructed the Communist forces to "step up the war effort," to accept the surrender of Japanese and Japanese-sponsored troops, and to take over their arms and equipment. General Hurley, accompanied by Chang Chih-chung, flew to Yenan and convinced Mao Tse-tung to come to Chungking and discuss the major issues dividing the two factions. Mao arrived at Chungking on 28 August 1945, and Chiang Kai-shek entertained him at a formal dinner on 29 August.
During the next six weeks, negotiations were conducted between Chang Ch'ün, Wang Shihchieh, and Shao Li-tzu, representing the National Government, and Chou En-lai and Wang Jo-fei, representing the Communists. Although the talks reached a stalemate on the central military and political issues, Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Tse-tung reached a preliminary agreement, promising to work for the peaceful reconstruction of China and to convene a political consultative conference at which the major factions would be represented. Having laid some basis for further discussion, Chiang entertained Mao at a performance of classical Chinese theater on 10 October 1945, the eve of Mao's departure for Yenan.
On 27 November President Harry S. Truman accepted General Hurley's resignation and appointed General George C. Marshall, wartime Chief of Staff of the United States Army, his special representative to China, with the personal rank of ambassador. General Marshall's mission was to take up the task of mediation where Hurley had left off and to arrange a truce. In January 1946 a cease-fire agreement was reached by the so-called Committee of Three General Marshall, Chang Ch'ün, and Chou En-lai. To enforce the truce, an executive headquarters was established at Peiping and tripartite truce teams were dispatched to the field to curb hostilities. However, the bitter mutual suspicion that divided the Kuomintang and the Communists soon undermined the American mediation effort.
Further, although the main American objective was mediation, the United States became increasingly committed to Chiang Kai-shek's side, providing machinery, motor vehicles, flour, and other supplies to the Nationalists. In January 1947, after leaving for the United States to become Secretary of State, General Marshall issued a full and frank statement on the failure of his mission.
In late 1946 Chiang Kai-shek recognized the long-standing criticism of the Kuomintang's 20-year monopoly of political power in the National Government. On 15 November 1946 the Kuomintang unilaterally convened a constituent National Assembly at Nanking, which, however, was boycotted by the Communists and by the China Democratic League. The assembly framed a new constitution, which was adopted on 25 December 1946 and promulgated by the National Government on 1 January 1947. The constitution embodied the essential political concepts of Sun Yat-sen. A new National Government was inaugurated at Nanking on 18 April 1947, with Chang Ch'ün as president of the Executive Yuan, or premier. Elections of delegates to a National Assembly were held in the Nationalist-controlled areas of China in November 1947, and the Kuomintang received a majority of the votes.
The new National Assembly was formally convened at Nanking on 28 March 1948, and it assumed responsibility for the election of top officials to head the new constitutional government. Chiang Kai-shek said that he was about to devote his full energies to military tasks and suggested that Hu Shih (q.v.) would be an appropriate choice for the presidency. Voting in the National Assembly in April, however, produced an overwhelming victory for Chiang Kai-shek, who was elected President with 2,430 votes against 269 for Chü Cheng. Competition for the vice presidency, however, resulted in an unexpectedly sharp race between Li Tsung-jen and Sun Fo. Although the central officials of the Kuomintang solidly supported Sun Fo, Li Tsung-jen won by a small margin. In May 1948, Wong Wen-hao (q.v.) became the first president of the Executive Yuan to be chosen under the new 1947 constitution. The National Assembly adopted a resolution which gave the President the right, in view of the civil war, to bypass regular constitutional procedures in order to "take emergency measures to avert imminent danger to the security of the state or ofthe people or to cope with any serious financial or economic crisis." Thus, Chiang kept the power that he had exercised prior to the adoption of the constitution.
During this time, the struggle for control of China continued in the countryside. Throughout 1947 and 1948 Chiang Kai-shek traveled constantly to direct the military campaigns in Manchuria and in China proper. His initial attempt to establish Nationalist military power in Manchuria led to an overextension of forces along fragile lines of communication, and poor planning resulted in the gradual loss of his strategic advantage. The Nationalist camp was torn by the political and personal quarrels of its leading generals. Chiang faced a war of movement conducted by such battle-toughened Communist generals as Lin Piao, Ch'en Yi, and Liu Po-ch'eng, who maneuvered their forces with speed and decisiveness in areas where the Communists often had mobilized much of the rural population. Adopting and applying the classical rules ofground warfare, the Communists steadily defeated Chiang's Nationalist armies. Mukden, the major industrial city of southern Manchuria, fell to the Communists on 1 November 1948; and the Communist commanders moved to annihilate the Nationalist forces in the Tientsin- Peiping campaign and in the massive Hwai-Hai battle centered on Hsuchow, which put an end to Chiang's power north of the Yangtze.
Civilian officials of the Kuomintang did little better than the military in winning the support of the civilian population. The corruption that had accompanied the Nationalists' so-called takeover operations after the Japanese surrender had not gone unnoticed by the people of China; and ever-increasing inflation, which had begun during the Sino-Japanese war, brought many new hardships to the people. In a belated effort to restore social and economic order, Nanking undertook a reform which introduced a new gold yuan currency in August 1 948. All holdings of gold, silver, and foreign currency were to be converted into the new currency. The reform soon proved to be a fiasco: the gold yuan fell almost immediately, taking with it the savings of many thrifty Chinese. By the end of 1948, many of the areas of China that remained under National Government administration were but loosely controlled by a Kuomintang apparatus that was inefficient in performance and sometimes irrational in conduct.
In his 1949 New Year's address to the nation, Chiang Kai-shek offered, somewhat belatedly, to discuss a peace settlement with the Communists. The harsh conditions set forth in the Communist reply proved that a compromise settlement was out of reach, and, after the battles of Manchuria, north China, and Hsuchow had been lost, Chiang announced his retirement from the presidency on 21 January 1949. He left Nanking by special plane for his home in Fenghua, Chekiang. Li Tsung-jen then became acting President of China. Chiang Kai-shek retained his supreme office in the Kuomintang, and, irked by the assumption of power by his old Kwangsi antagonist, he consistently undercut Li Tsung-jen's efforts to preserve some measure of Nationalist control in south China. He exercised authority with the assistance of Chiang Ching-kuo, Ku Chu-t'ung (q.v.), chief of the general staff, and Ch'en Ch'eng (q.v.), who had been sent to Taiwan to prepare that island as a base for retreat. Often Li Tsung-jen was not informed of major decisions made by Chiang.
In July 1949 Chiang flew to the Philippines, where he conferred with President Elpidio Quirino at Baguio. That meeting led to a joint declaration against Communism. In August, Chiang went to Korea to confer with President Syngman Rhee; the two leaders confirmed their stand against international Communism. Later in August, Chiang and Chiang Ching-kuo flew to Szechwan, and Chiang Kai-shek visited Chengtu to pay his respects at the grave of Tai Chi-t'ao. Chiang made a trip to Kunming on 23 September to gain the support of Lu Han (q.v.), the Yunnan provincial governor. However, he was unsuccessful, and plans for a unified defense of southwest China proved to be useless.
Chiang Kai-shek and his son, who was his constant companion during 1949, returned to Canton at the end of September to confer with Li Tsung-jen. Plans for the defense of Kwangtung were abandoned, and in October 1949 the remnants of the National Government moved from Canton to Chungking. Li Tsung-jen became ill and left China in late November. Chiang Kai-shek left Chungking on the day that it fell to the Communists and flew to Chengtu. On the early afternoon of 10 December 1949, with Communist forces fast approaching Chengtu, he was driven to the airport. Chiang boarded a military aircraft, and, after seven hours of flying over Communist-controlled territory, he landed on the island of Taiwan.
The Taiwan Regime
The mainland refugees were not welcomed in Taiwan. Taiwanese resentment of the Nationalists stemmed from the 1945-47 administration of the island by Ch'en Yi (1883-1950; q.v.). Ch'en's government had been so corrupt and oppressive that on 28 February 1947 the Taiwanese had organized a huge demonstration in Taipei which had threatened to become an island-wide revolt. Ch'en Yi had retaliated by launching a brutal suppression campaign during which thousands of Taiwanese were massacred. In 1949, when the Nationalist refugees arrived, the economy of Taiwan had yet to recover from the effects of American wartime bombing, the forced repatriation ofJapanese technicians after 1949, and peasant discontent stemming from the land tenure situation.
In Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek took steps to establish full control. He accepted responsibility for the mainland debacle, emphasizing that Nationalist failures had been the primary cause of disaster, and dedicated himself to the mission of recovering the mainland. Utilizing his command of loyal supporters as well as the national treasury, the armed forces, and the secret police, Chiang moved to consolidate and legitimize his political position. He appointed K. C. Wu (Wu Kuo-chen, q.v.), governor of Taiwan province. On 1 March 1950 Chiang resumed the presidency of the Government of the Republic of China.
Chiang confronted many grave political problems. The United States government, which had been Chiang's principal source of external support, had disassociated itself from what it regarded as a lost cause. On 5 January 1950 President Harry S. Truman, acting on the basis of American government staff studies, had stated that the United States would provide no military aid or advice to the Nationalist forces on Taiwan.
In one sense, Chiang Kai-shek was rescued from disaster by Joseph Stalin and by the Communist military action in Korea in June 1950. Since that crisis sharply altered United States assumptions regarding Taiwan and increased the importance of the island in American military planning in the Far East, it had the effect of markedly improving Chiang Kai-shek's prospects. On 27 June 1950 President Truman announced an abrupt shift in United States policy and stated that he had ordered the United States 7th Fleet into the Taiwan Strait. After the Chinese Communists began to intervene in the Korean conflict in October-November 1950, Washington initiated a new program of largescale military and economic assistance to the Chinese National Government. However, Chiang, always a proud and imperious man, was placed in the position of being overwhelmingly dependent on an external power, the United States.
Because Chiang believed that internal feuds had reduced his party to a loose coalition of factions and had caused many of the difficulties of the Kuomintang on the mainland, he began a major reorganization of the party in 1950. In June, he announced the dismissal of the large and unwieldy Central Executive and Central Supervisory committees that had served since 1945 and the appointment of a compact reform committee composed of only 16 men. The new group was assigned the task of drawing up plans to streamline the party's structure and to increase its efficiency. At the Seventh National Congress of the Kuomintang, held at Taipei in October 1952, Chiang was reelected tsung-ts'ai. He also was reelected to that post at the Eighth (October 1957) and Ninth (November 1963) National congresses of the Kuomintang.
In the National Government structure in Taiwan, Chiang continued to hold office as President of the Republic of China. Li Tsungjen, the vice president elected in 1948, was expelled in absentia from the Kuomintang in 1952 and recalled by the National Assembly on grounds of "violation of the nation's laws and dereliction of duty"; Li was then in the United States. In March 1954 the National Assembly, which had been seated at Nanking six years earlier, was convened in Taiwan by extraconstitutional means, with about half of its members absent. That body reelected Chiang Kai-shek to the presidency and elected Ch'en Ch'eng to succeed Li Tsung-jen in the vice presidency. Although constitutional provisions limited the President of the Republic of China to two six-year terms, such restrictions were waived during the period of "Communist rebellion." In March 1960 Chiang Kai-shek was reelected for a third six-year term. In March 1966, Chiang, then nearly 79, was elected President of the Republic of China without opposition. C. K. Yen (Yen Chia-k'an), who had been premier of the National Government, was elected vice president, succeeding Ch'en Ch'eng, who had died in March 1965.
Chiang Kai-shek also was commander in chief of the Chinese military establishment in Taiwan. After 1950, the Chinese Nationalist forces, with the assistance of American advisers in Taiwan, were well trained and well equipped. During the years of Dwight D. Eisenhower's presidency, United States policy emphasized the "unleashing of Chiang Kai-shek" and the doctrine enunciated by Secretary of State John Foster Dulles that Communism was only a "passing phase" on the mainland of China. This commitment to Chiang resulted in the signing of the Mutual Defense Treaty with the Government of the Republic of China in December 1954; the United States pledged to give direct assistance in the event of an attack on Taiwan or on the Pescadores Islands. In January 1955, a joint resolution of the United States Congress authorized President Eisenhower to use American troops at his discretion to implement the provisions of the new treaty. In spite of this treaty, Chiang Kai-shek was unsuccessful in engaging American support for his avowed long-range objective: recovery of the mainland of China.
After 1955 there was a marked improvement in the economic situation in Taiwan: both agricultural and industrial production rose steadily and significantly. The rate of economic growth was very high, and, with the help of the United States, the island attained a very high standard of living for an Asian area. However, long-term economic planning and growth were limited by the high proportion of resources allotted to the military forces and by the high rate of population expansion. Although the Government of the Republic of China in Taiwan called itself a constitutional democracy, in some respects it was an authoritarian regime in which Chiang Kai-shek exercised almost unlimited personal power. Chiang Kai-shek's dedication to the goal of recovering the mainland may have impeded long-range programs devoted to building the island of Taiwan into an autonomous political unit with a solid economic base and a government enjoying popular support.
Chiang Kai-shek, after assuming power in 1928, converted the Kuomintang from a party dominated largely by Kwangtung leaders to an organ that was responsive to him, with an emphasis on the men from his province of Chekiang. Chiang's political rule integrated many, seemingly contradictory elements. In sum, the most conspicuous characteristic of Chiang Kai-shek's career was that in spite of numerous difficulties and countless opponents, he preserved his personal and political identity. To the world, from 1928 to 1949 Chiang Kai-shek did not represent China, he was China. His stern and stubborn personality became the symbol of republican China. He was the principal figure in the rise of China to world estate before his career ended in eclipse. He was and will remain one of the major figures of twentiethcentury world history.
Primary Records of Chiang's Career
During the 1920's Chiang Kai-shek had some intellectual support in China, though that support was based on his role as a nationalist leader, not on his standing as an intellectual. By the time of the Second World War, however, many Chinese scholars had begun to regard his political practices as old-fashioned and his political philosophy as antediluvian. Chiang's basic philosophy of government was given expression in Chung-kuo chih ming-yun, published at Chungking in 1943. An official English-language summary was published at the time by the Chinese Ministry of Information. Portions of the book were translated by A. F. Lutley of West China Union University and were published in the West China Missionary News at Chengtu in 1943. A revised edition of Chung-kuo chih ming-yun was published at Chungking in January 1944. The first complete authorized English translation of the work, prepared by a group of Chinese working under the supervision of Wang Ch'ung-hui and assisted by Frank W. Price, an American Methodist missionary, was prepared from the 1944 revised Chinese text. That translation was published in the United States in 1947 under the title China's Destiny. A competing, unauthorized translation, with highly critical notes and commentary by Philip Jaffe, was published in New York the same year; the Jaffe volume appended a shorter essay by Chiang entitled "Chinese Economic Theory," not available elsewhere in translation. A useful collection of wartime speeches and papers is The Collected Wartime Messages of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, 19371945, published in 1946 in New York in two volumes.
A substantial number of Chiang Kai-shek's speeches after 1949 have been published in Taiwan. One statement of importance, Su-0 tsai Chung-kno [Soviet Russia in China], published in 1956, summarized Chiang's postwar views on Chinese and international political questions. That book, a review and analysis of the Kuomintang's struggle against Communism, emphasized the role of Soviet intrigue and propaganda in the Communist victory in China; it depicted the Chinese Communists as instruments of Moscow. An English version of the book, Soviet Russia in China : a Summing-up at Seventy, was published in the United States in 1957. An abridged edition appeared in 1965. The most complete Chinese edition of Chiang's speeches to date, Chiang tsung-V ung chi, was published in Taiwan in 1964.
An account of Chiang Kai-shek's early years is Mao Ssu-cWeng's Min-kuoshih-wu-nienchienchih Chiang Chieh-shih hsien-sheng [Chiang Kai-shek before 1926], published at Nanking in 1937 and reprinted at Hong Kong in 1965. Mao Ssuch'eng used Chiang's diaries, letters, official papers, and other sources in preparing the book. Ch'en Pu-lei (q.v.), a member of Chiang's personal staff from 1934 until 1948, wrote his impressions of the events and personalities of the 1920's and 1930's in his Hui-i-lu [reminiscences], published at Shanghai in 1939. An unflattering account of Chiang from 1927 to 1947 is that of his antagonist Feng Yu-hsiang in Wo sojen-shih te Chiang Chieh-shih [the Chiang Kai-shek I knew], published at Shanghai in 1949. A bitterly critical Communist attack on Chiang's policies and on China's Destiny is that of Ch'en Po-ta (q.v.) in Jen-min kung-ti Chiang Chieh-shih [the people's enemy, Chiang Kai-shek], published at Kalgan in 1948 and at Peking in 1949.
An official biography for Westerners was written by Hollington K. Tong (Tung Hsienkuang, q.v.) and published at Shanghai in 1937 as Chiang Kai-shek: Soldier and Statesman; it was issued in Chinese translation in 1941. A revised edition, entitled Chiang tsung-t'ung chuan [biography of President Chiang], was published at Taipei in 1953. Other biographies of Chiang written in English include H. H. Chang's Chiang Kai-shek: Asia's Man of Destiny (1944) and S. I. Hsiung's The Life of Chiang Kai-shek (1948).
Information about Chiang Kai-shek appears in virtually every substantive book and in most articles dealing with Chinese politics after 1927. Book-length efforts include Gustav Amann's Chiang Kai-shek und die Regierung der Kuomintang in China (1939), Robert Berkov's Strong Man of China (1938), Sven Hedin's Chiang Kai-shek: Marshal of China (1940), and Paul M. A. Linebarger's The China of Chiang Kai-shek (1943). Emily Hahn's Chiang Kai-shek : an Unauthorized Biography (1955) is primarily anecdotal. A critical Western estimate of Chiang was given by Theodore H. White and Annalee Jacoby in Thunder Out of China ( 1946) . White also edited the Stilwell Papers (1948), which includes Stilwell's version of the bitter feud between him and Chiang Kai-shek. A detailed study by Tang Tsou, America's Failure in China, 1941—50, published in 1963, gives information on Chiang Kai-shek's political position and policies during that critical decade. A doctoral dissertation completed at Harvard University in 1966 by Walter Gourlay, "The Kuomintang and the Rise of Chiang Kai-shek," deals with Chiang's initial move to political power in the 1920's.
蒋介石 官方用名:蒋中正
蒋介石(1887.10.31—),中国和台湾国民政府的国家元首,国民党党魁。
蒋介石浙江宁波奉化人,出生在武陵山西麓的小镇溪口,世代务农,直到他祖父蒋斯千成为盐商时,家庭的经济和社会地位才开始有所枚善。蒋斯千死于1894年,年八十一岁。蒋介石的父亲蒋肇聪(字肃庵)也是一名盐商,1896
年五十四岁时死去,家庭经济即趋困难,经蒋肇聪第三个继室、蒋介石生母(1863—1921年)的辛勤操劳,才得以抚养子女。蒋介石从幼年到成人,都称得上是一个孝顺儿子。他有一个兄弟瑞青,两个姊妹;瑞莲、瑞春,和一个异母兄弟锡候,一个异母姊妹瑞菊。
1905年,蒋介石去宁波在箭金学堂从顾臣廉读书,攻读中国的哲理著作并开始接触了解中国古代的兵书《孙子兵法》,他早已有当一名军人的想法。1906年秋,蒋介石二十岁时进了奉化龙津中学。他因为一心想出国学军事,所
以在那里只耽了三个月。他和当时的爱国青年一样,对清政府面对外国入侵而无力保卫国家利益深以为憾。1904—1905年俄国被日本击败,而战争主要却在中国的满洲进行,因此造成了新的危机,使清帝国的地位更加不稳。为了表示他去日本的决心,他剪去辫子交给他母亲。当时,蒋介石的家境,因浙江地方官吏的骚扰而窘迫,他母亲勉强同意他的要求并尽其可能提供经费。
1906年,蒋介石到东京,但是他并非公费留学,不能入军事学校,因此很快就回国了。1907年进了清政府军政厅的保定陆军速成学校。蒋介石因为已经剪去辫子,所以处事待人特别谨慎,以免清政府当局的怀疑。有一次他和日籍
教官口角受到训斥。他在保定平平静静过了一年,获得公费赴日留学。保定这所学校是保定军官学校的前身,蒋介石以后在民国时代和保定系军人的关系可以追溯到他1907—1908年在保定的这时期的历史。
1908—1910年,蒋介石进入东京振武军事学校,这是为中国学生设立的进士官学校前的预备学校。蒋介石在那时结识了也曾在保定学习过的四川人张群,他们两人年纪差不多,结成密友和政治上的合作者。另一个他所结识的是陈其美,1906年他在日本遇见。经陈其美介绍,蒋介石于1908年加入了同盟会。陈其美是蒋介石的浙江同乡,比他大十一岁,成了年轻的蒋介石在政治上的良师益友。1910年孙逸仙从檀香山回日本作短期停留,陈其美将蒋介石介绍
给孙逸仙。
1910年,蒋介石毕业于振武学校后进士官学校,与张群一起编入陆军十三野炮团见习蒋介石虽然训练认真忠于职守,但该团日本军官对他的印象并不深刻。
1911年10月武昌起义的消息传到日本,蒋介石、张群等一些青年士官生即由长崎趁日轮回国,10月30日抵上海。当时,陈其美得到上海秘密会党的协助,正忙于攻占江南兵工厂,11月的第一周为共和革命事业夺取了上海。受到
这次胜利的鼓舞,他着手为加强对沿海省份江苏、浙江的控制和攻占南京聚集力量,蒋介石参加了这些活动,他的忠诚努力为已经成为上海督都的陈其美赏识而提升蒋为团长。革命军在1911年最后几周在上海南京所取得的及时的胜
利,使其在南京建立临时政府选孙逸仙为临时大总统成为可能。
1911—1912年间,由陈其美在上海领导的革命活动,既有久远的影响也有短期的效果,由于这次革命活动促使他和蒋介石建立了个人关系,对蒋介石今后的政治生涯至关重要。蒋介石和张群、黄郛又成了结拜兄弟,黄郛当时是陈
其美的总参谋长和师长,他们三人立誓同生死、共患难,有福同享、有祸同当。这个时期与蒋介石合作的其他一些人,在蒋介石掌权后在国民党内起重要作用的有陈果夫、邵元冲、吴忠信等人。此外,蒋介石还和张人杰关系密切,由于张人杰的关系,蒋介石得以与孙逸仙取得个人联系。
1912年中华民国成立后的最初几年,出现了孙逸仙的支持者和袁世凯的支持者之间的夺权斗争。在陈其美手下的蒋介石,当时还没有获得全国声望。袁世凯加强了实力,陈其美在1912年辞去上海的军政各职,由蒋介石陪同去日
本。蒋介石在日本学习德文,准备去欧洲,还出版了一份昙花一现的刊物《军声杂志》。反袁的活动继续进行,在二次革命期间,陈其美、蒋介石回到上海。陈其美计划在淞沪地区重集旧部,7月,蒋介石在租界区外领导了一次军
事行动,但蒋的少量军队很快就被公共租界的英国巡捕缴械,蒋介石和张人杰离上海去南京。
陈其美处境孤立,1913年11月被迫逃离上海,去日本投奔孙逸仙,当时,蒋介石也到了日本。1914年,孙逸仙将被宣布为非法的国民党改组为中华革命党,这是一个严密的组织,其成员需要向孙逸仙个人宣誓效忠,有不少人拒
绝,不再支持孙逸仙,但蒋介石和陈其美依旧跟随孙逸仙,1914年,蒋介石受孙逸仙之命去上海、哈尔滨活动反对袁世凯,但均告失败。除了去上海、哈尔滨执行任务外,1914—1915年间蒋介石一直留在日本研读王阳明、曾国藩、
胡林翼的著述,并研究军事战略。
整个1915年间,共和革命者的政治前景依然暗淡无色。5月,袁世凯承认日本提出的二十一条,8月,筹划登位称帝。1915年中,陈其美、蒋介石等人回国,重新筹划要把袁世凯的势力逐出上海。11月、12月,陈其美等人在上海
数次起事,虽未成功,但鼓舞了其他地区的反袁活动。1916年5月18日,袁世凯刺死陈其美,陈其美年仅四十一岁。他的不幸死去,对蒋介石说来是失去了一个重要的个人关系。1911—1912年间在上海的陈其美的追随者中的一些人
以后成为蒋介石亲信帮手,陈其美的二个侄儿:陈果夫、陈立夫自1914年后,在国民党中央机构中起重大作用。
五四运动以及马克思主义书籍和思想在中国最初的传播,对蒋介石的政治生涯没有什么直接影响。但他对俄国革命的形式却很感兴趣,他对合党政军为一体以维护政治权力这一思想给以高度重视,对他以后的政治活动中有所影
响。自1916年中陈其美被刺后,蒋介石虽仍参预孙逸仙的国民革命活动,但他并未陪同孙逸仙去广州,而在上海逗留。1917年秋,孙逸仙到广州,准备在华南建立军事据点,蒋介石不过向孙逸仙提供了一些非正式的军事方面的估
计和介绍了一些人员而已。1918年3月,孙逸仙召蒋介石去广州,征询他是否能參加在广州新成立的政府。这是蒋介石第一次到广州,很可能还是孙逸仙的私人朋友和在经济上的支持者张人杰所作的安排。
孙逸仙在军事力量方面的核心是陈炯明统率的粤军。1918年3月15日,任蒋介石为陈炯明的作战参谋。他曾与陈炯明的参谋长邓铿多次作战地视察,获得陈炯明的信任,但由于他是浙江人,所以受到其他粤军军官的排挤,7月
底,辞去参谋职务。数周后,经连续作战的胜利,在夺取福建的漳州后,他受任为粤军第二支队司令,驻于福建长汀。1918—1920年,孙逸仙退居上海时,蒋介石在上海与其在闽南的军队驻地之间来往频繁,驻在闽南的陈炯明
的粤军是孙逸仙重新取得南方控制权的唯一希望所在。蒋介石的行止不定,反映出他经常想辞去其军职的心情。1919年10月底,他去日本短期访问,据说是为了去那里与老朋友重叙友情。
这一期间,蒋介石行踪神秘,据传说他为了敛财搞金融投机生意。孙逸仙为了政治活动需要筹集资金,1919年指示在上海设立一家商品交易所,参予这企业的除陈果夫外,可能还有张人杰、蒋介石和戴季陶。在这期间,蒋介石和
青帮的关系密切,青帮是上海和长江流域一带很有势力的一个秘密社团,青帮发挥了公认的社会作用,上海的下层社会大部分也受其控制。
1920年,蒋介石受孙逸仙之命重返军职,10月,到达汕头,参加陈炯明的部队,陈军向广州顺利进军,使孙逸仙能在广州重建政权。1920年11月,蒋介石回上海,避开孙逸仙和他的密友胡汉民、汪精卫、廖仲凯等人,他们一再想
要蒋介仁返回广州,以便帮助孙逸仙增强力量。蒋介石拒绝留在广州,是由于他不愿在南方与陈炯明共事。1921年2月,蒋介石去广州和孙逸仙商量,但5月间,孙逸仙在广州就任新政府非常大总统时,蒋介石因母病重返回浙江老家。
1921年6月14日,蒋介石母亲去世,他留在奉化守丧。孙逸仙派陈果夫作为他个人代表参加葬礼,居正和戴季陶也前去奠祭。从官方代表身份可以说明1921年中蒋介石在孙逸仙心目中享有很高地位。1921年10月,蒋介石回广州。当
时,陈炯明在广西取得一系列的胜利,使广西在广州政府军事控制之下。孙逸仙准备乘胜北伐,进军两湖,进而统一中国。蒋介石授命作北伐进军计划。
1922年头几个月孙逸仙的全国性目标和陈炯明独霸广东的野心之间的冲突变得十分尖锐。3月,粤军参谋长、孙逸仙的忠诚信徒邓铿在广州被刺,陈炯明虽一再否认,但一般都认为陈炯明应负此凶案的责任。1922年6月,蒋介石为其母亲逝世一周年在浙江家乡进行奠祭,陈炯明的追随者们决定和孙逸仙公开决裂,其部属准备袭击孙逸仙。事前孙得到消息,避往泊于珠江的永丰炮舰上。
两日后,蒋介石从正在上海的汪精卫处获得这一消息,同时又收到孙逸仙的急电:“事急,盼即来此”。蒋介石把家务交给张人杰料理,立即动身南去。1922年6月29日,蒋介石抵达广州,登上孙逸仙避驻的永丰舰,他们于8月9日趁英轮转香港于8月14日抵上海。此后,蒋介石在《孙大总统广州蒙难记》中追录了永丰舰这一段经过。
经此事变后,蒋介石的政治生涯很快升腾。1912—1922年间,孙逸仙虽然对这名年轻的部属的才能予以重视,但蒋介石在国民党中的地位并不重要,他在永丰轮上所度过的日子,加强了他和孙逸仙的关系,为以后掌权得势作了准备。
黄埔军校和北伐1922年10月20日,孙逸仙任命蒋介石为许崇智部驻福建的参谋长。许是粤军元老,忠于孙逸仙。许部从江西苗兵攻打福建J于10月12日夺取了福州。1923年1月,粤军由桂军、滇军的援助,向广州进军,迫使陈炯明撤离广州,回到他在东江地区的基地。2月,孙逸仙回广州,恢复了1917年就已建立起来的军政府。蒋介石去了浙江一趟后,于1923年4月20日到达广州,任孙逸仙司令部的参谋长。
孙逸仙和越飞商议国民党和俄国的合作,派特别代表团去莫斯科考察军事组织井取得武器援助。蒋介石为团长,另有国民党的王登云,共产党的张太雷,和跨于两党间的沈定一。他们于1923年8月16日离上海,9月2日抵莫斯科。蒋介石在苏联时,考察了党政军的组织情况,参观了陆军海军学校。苏联红军的缔建人托洛茨基等人会见了蒋介石,并会见了外交人民委员齐切林以及季诺维也夫,此外还有共产国际的马林、越飞、维辛斯基等人。蒋介石一行于1923年11月29日离莫斯科,12月15日抵上海。蒋又立即去奉化老家,为其亡母12月16日六十冥寿举办纪念活动。
1924年1月16日,他回广州,向孙逸仙及国民党领导人报告他的俄国之行。他们那时正在准备改组国民党。蒋介石的报告并未公布,但蒋介石从苏联回国,显然对那里的一党专政的办法和力量很为欣赏。蒋介石回广州时,正是重要的国民党改组会议开会前夕,但孙逸仙并未指派他为出席会议的代表。
1924年1月20日到30日,改组后的国民党第一次全国代表大会在广州召开,任命蒋介石为国民党军事委员会委员,并率领七人委员会筹建黄埔军校。黄埔是离广州十余里的一个小岛。但是,蒋介石却辞去此职,于1924年2月21日离广州,建立黄埔军校的主要责任落在廖仲恺身上。后经孙逸仙、廖仲恺、胡汉民等人一再催促回南,蒋介石才于4月21日回广州,5月3日任命为黄埔军校校长。
军校第一班学生约五百人于5月到达,6月16日开学。孙逸仙亲临主持开学典礼,发表动人演讲,着重说明黄埔学生在统一中国的大业中肩负着重大使命。之后,将象征领导权的学校印章授予蒋介石。许多国民党官员出席了这次
开学典礼,说明军校对国民革命的重要性。蒋介石亲自训练黄埔军校最初三期的二千名学员(入学期为1924年5月,
1924年8月,1925年1月)。这一批学员中许多人成为后来国民党军官中祢为黄埔系的一批人,有一些军官后来参加了中国集产党的军队。黄埔的很多军事教官,如钱大钧、何应钦、刘峙、顾祝同等人后来成为蒋介石的亲信,国民党的将领。
孙逸仙认为,军校除军事训练外,还应加强国民党关于国民革命运动的政治教育。因此,任廖仲恺为军校政治主任,胡汉民、戴季陶、汪精卫等人为政治教官。廖对政治训练政治教育负全责,并为此后北伐战争中的国民革命军建
立政治委员制度打下了基础,这是1928年后国共双方的军队都继续采用的制度。鉴于改组后国吴党的亲俄政策,所以蒋介石和驻广州的俄国顾问如鲍罗廷、加伦以及周恩来等担任黄埔军校的政治教官的中国共产党人工作关系密切。
虽然依靠苏联军事援助扶植国民党的力量的计划正在付之实施,但是重建不久的广州政权并未摆脱危险的处境。在粤东陈炯明仍然是一个拥有强大军事力量的人物。1924年秋,广州商团叛乱威胁国民党的地位,商团是由当地中国商
人支持的民团。孙逸仙已将司令部移到韶关,授命胡汉民在广州代行职务,胡汉民召驻在广州的所有部队由蒋介石统一指挥。10月中旬,击败商团,解除其武装,经此战役,广州的一部分繁华地区被政府军付之一炬,抢劫一空。
1924年底,孙逸仙希望与北方主要军人和议,应邀去北京商议国家大事。11月中旬,他北上之前,视察黄埔军校,这是他与蒋介石最后一次见面。1925年1月孙逸仙在北京时,陈炯明再次袭击广州,广州国民党政府组成东征军,由许崇智率领,右翼军由黄埔军校学员组成,蒋介石指挥,在多次交战中击败陈炯明军。3月底,陈炯明军溃败,蒋军占海丰、汕头和粤东大部地区。
1925年3月,孙逸仙去世。由胡汉民主持的广州国民党政府,又遇到新问题。最大的威胁来自广州城内及四周的滇军桂军的不断骚乱。胡汉民以上一年秋季对付广州商团的同样的决心来对付这次危机,经与许崇智、蒋介石商议后决
心使用武力来对付这批骚扰部队,1925年6月,两周之内平定叛乱。
1925年夏季之后,蒋介石在广州的重要军事地位已无可置疑了。他是黄埔军校校长兼广州警备司令。1925年7月,国民党控制的国民政府在广州成立,蒋介石选入国民政府的军事委员会。不久,驻粤国民党军改组并入国民革命
军,蒋任第一军军长。他在第二次东征中打败了陈炯明企图赶走国民党对广州的走后一次袭击,从此声誉提高了。10月,蒋军围攻陈炯明在惠州据点时,曾被敌军包围,幸经黄埔第一期学生年轻的共产党军官陈赓的苦战,才始得救,
1925年11月初,蒋介石最后击败了陈炯明在粤东的残余势力。
1925年,国民党的领导人面对着棘手的继承人问题。孙逸仙去世时,主要的继承人选设想是胡汉民、汪精卫、廖仲恺,他们都是同盟会元老,是孙逸仙的可信赖的,知友。早在二十年代初,蒋介石逐渐取得孙逸仙的信任,但他在国民党内的法统地位并不巩固。1925年时,他还不是中央执行委员会委员,在他这一时期的演讲中也表明,他自信在国民党内他的主要任务不过是一名军官而已。在北伐前几个月,所发生的一些情况有利于蒋介石,而把他推到了政治活动的前列。
廖仲恺于1925年8月被刺,胡汉民被赶走,许崇智被解职,使蒋介石和汪精卫成为国民党内的首脑人物了。蒋介石当时的地位,由于他在支持联俄时得到鲍罗廷的拥护这一重要的情节而得到加强。1926年初,在北伐准备阶段,蒋、
汪实行联共、联俄政策,又与唐生智妥协,以便北伐军经湖南北进。1926年1月,国民党第二次全国代表大会在广州召开,蒋、汪得到鲍罗廷的支持,和共产党代表的合作,控制了大会,反对了党内保守的西山会议派。在这次大会
中,蒋介石选入了国民党中央执行委员会。
1926年8月20日,以追究中山舰事件的策划者为由,蒋介石突然转向反对共产党,他实行戒严令,拘留舰长,以及在他控制下的军事机关中的苏联顾问和共产党干部。1926年3月事件的结果是,汪精卫退出政界,蒋介石在广州取得了政治大权。
1926年5月15日,召开二届中央执行委员会第二次全体会议,蒋进一步活动,他提出一系列建议,清除国民党内的共产党影响。这些建议全部通过,蒋介石在党内确凿地掌握了实权。蒋介石的恩主,他在上海时的知交张人杰提升为
中央执行委员会常务委员会主席,担任国民党中央各部负责人的共产党人全被清除,蒋介石亲自接任共产党人谭平山的组织部长职务,顾孟余接替担任中央宣传部代理部长毛泽东的职务,不久,任命陈果夫为组织部长。自此以后,陈
果夫和陈立夫一直掌握国民党的这个重要机构达二十余年之久。
1926年中,蒋介石在广东的基础已稳固,北伐的准备亦已完成。6月5日,蒋介石任国民革命军总司令,7月9日,加称为最高总司令。那次的就职典礼是动人的,约有五万群众参加,谭延闿以广州国民政府主席名义授以大印,吴稚晖授以军旗,孙逸仙的儿子孙科手持孙逸仙遗像,以示这次北伐将继孙逸仙统一中国的未竟事业。在蒋介石全面指挥下,邓演达任总政治部主任,郭沫若任副主任。1926—1927年北伐的第一个阶段中,北伐军计有八个军湖南三
个军、广东两个军、广西一个军、云南一个军、另外一个军由蒋介石的亲信、黄埔军校教务长,贵州军官何应钦统率。国民革命的进军计划是经湖南攻击在湖北的吴佩孚。
北伐开始时,进军迅速顺利,很快攻下了湖南省会长沙,8月12日,蒋介石由广州到长沙,象一名胜利的英雄那样受到当地群众的欢迎。8月底,占领湖南洞庭湖以南地区,攻克了通向武昌的两处铁路沿线要地汀泗桥和贺胜桥,在
此次战役中,第四军的一名师长张发奎是受到全国赞仰的军事将领。接着立即开始进攻武汉三镇。9月,攻克汉口、汉阳,1926年10月10日,攻克武昌,正值辛亥革命十五周年。
长江中游一带的吴佩孚的军队失败后,蒋介石即转向孙传芳控制下的江西。国民革命第一、第三、第六三个军进入江西。1926年11月,攻克江西省会南昌,蒋介石在此设立大本营。何应钦率部进入福建,12月攻克省会福州。
1927年初,国民革命军分两路进攻蒋介石的家乡浙江省:一路由何应钦从福建进军,一路由广西将领白崇禧从江西东部进军。1927年1月19日,攻克浙江省会杭州,为向上海进军打开了道路。白崇禧进军时,在沪杭线上与张宗昌的白
俄雇佣军进行了一场激战,张宗昌是山东军阀,当时正和孙传芳合作。1927年3月22日,白崇禧军进入上海。陈调元倒向北伐军,蒋介石命令李宗仁、程潜分别由长江北岸和南岸进军,控制了安徽,3月24日,攻克南京。沪宁攻克,北伐进军的第一阶段结束。
但是一场国际危机在南京发生,由共产党人林伯渠担任党代表的程潜部队中的一些队伍的排外活动,激起了英、美在长江巡弋的炮舰的报复。身为国民军总司令的蒋介石十分谨慎,声称国艮革命军根本不反对外国。他在这新攻克
的城市暂作巡视后即去上海,一直到4月初才来南京军事上的成就虽很显著,但是与共产党的格格不入的联盟关系却继续对国民党造成一系列的严重问题,一度危及国民革命取得胜利的必需有的统一联合。1926年夏,蒋介石指挥前线军事离广州时,广州的党政大权,分别由张人杰、谭延闿掌管。蒋介石不顾共产党的愿望,坚持把党政机关迁出广州北移。1926年11月,他在南昌获胜后,就准备以南昌为据点,以便置军政大权于自己的控制之中。12月,国民党元老们如谭延闿等人离广州去南昌。1927年1月,另一个政权机构,由国民党和共产党两方面的人士组成在武汉建立。由于政治和个人的分岐,国民党的政权机构倒底设置在那个地区这个问题,延搁了好几个月都没有能得到解决。4月,蒋介石等人开始袭击共产党及其他激进人士,上海一带的工会和属于共产党的组织中的大批人士遭到监禁和杀害。
1927年4月18日,蒋介石和一些武汉政府的反对派在南京组成新的国民政府,由一个五人常务委员会领衔,其中有胡汉民和其他反对联共的著名人士。南京当局开始清党,在他们控制的行政区域内消灭共产党的影响和活动。1927
年6月,蒋介石和冯玉祥在徐州举行会议,冯玉祥处于国民党对立的两派之间的举足轻重的地位。会议结果,冯玉祥决定在军事上支持蒋介石,7月,冯玉祥也开始在他控制的地区内实行清党。在武汉的国民党元老汪精卫亦与共产党
决裂,在长江中部一带实行严酷的镇压。
这一切活动的结果,促使国民党内各派系进行谈判,促使互相对立的武汉政府和南京政府合流。蒋介石个人的声誉虽然正在全国上升,但是他在国民党内政治上论资排辈依然低于胡汉民、汪精卫等人。1927年7月,蒋介石计划北
进失算而使他的军事声誉受到影响,他把战略要地徐州丢给了孙传芳、张宗昌联军,8月,由于国民党内部需要团结,又面对桂系军人李宗仁、白崇禧的反对,蒋介石辞职离开南京回奉化。9月27日,蒋介石由上海去日本。
1927年下半年蒋介石之所以去日本,一部分原因是考虑个人的问题,准备和宋子文、宋庆龄的妹子宋美龄结婚,宋庆龄竭力反对,而她母亲只要求一个条件,即蒋介石入基督教。蒋同意后,于11月10日回上海。
这件婚事,既是政治事件,也是社会事件。1927年12月1日,在上海举行了两次仪式,一次是由青年会总干事余日章在宋家主持的基督教婚礼,一次是由前北京大学校长国民党老前辈蔡元培在大上海饭店主持的中国式的婚礼。这
件婚事,把蒋纳入了孔宋家族集团之中,其中有宋子文和宋美龄的姐姐宋霭龄的丈夫孔祥熙。但是蒋介石的发妻尚在又未经离婚,1927年12月蒋介石再次结婚是一件全国性的重要事件,所以成为纷纷议论的话题。一直到1930年10月23日,蒋介石在上海慕尔铭堂经江长川主持受洗为基督教徒后,议论才渐平息。
1928年初,蒋介石恢复了他在国民军中的领导人的地位,任军事委员会主席和北伐第二阶段的总司令之职,准备向华北的军阀进攻,组成了四个集团军。蒋介石亲任第一集团军司令,何应钦任参谋长,冯玉祥任第二集团军司令,阎
锡山任第三集团军司令。不久,又任李宗仁为第四集团军司令,白崇禧为前敌总指挥。自从吴佩孚、孙传芳在长江以南的势力被消灭以后,剩下的主要是当时控制北京政府的北方军阀张作霖的势力。国民革命军向北方进军时,引起了在中国拥有大量权益的日本对中国统一的前景予以很大的警觉,乃借口护侨在山东采取行动。1928年5月3日,在济南发生冲突。蒋介石为避免与日本严重对立,下令把军队撤回徐州,沿陇海路绕道北上,他和主要的司令如冯玉祥、阎锡山等人多次会商后,1928年6月初回到南京。6月,国民革命军最后占领了北京,参加北伐第二阶段的四个集团军的司令蒋、冯、阎、李在西山寄有孙逸仙遗体的碧云寺开会,初步讨论军队改编问题。
国民政府的十年1928年是蒋介石政治生涯中另一个重要的关键时刻。北伐战争,消灭了北方军阀的力量。蒋介石着手巩固他的政治地位。蒋介石虽然于1928年3月当选为中央政治会议主席,但他在党内并无什么政治工具可供利用。陈果夫、陈立夫建议在南京建立一个训练国民党骨干的政治中心。陈氏兄弟,通过国民党的中央政治学校和中央组织部控制了党的机构。1928年10月10日,蒋亲任南京国民政府主席并创设孙逸仙所主张的五院政府机构。北伐战争完成了军事目的。那年年底国民政府的旗帜包括满洲在内在全国升起。二十多年来蒋介石在世界上被看作是一个统一中国的唯一领袖。
但统一的中国不过是一个幻象,蒋介石的统治,名义上被接受下来,实际上却行不通,还有不少拥有地方实力而几乎是自行其事的人物和集团。蒋介石统治下的国民党的主要失败是未能建立起一个广泛而又有纪律的组织,在全国
实现南京的政治目标和社会目标。中日战争之前,国民政府曾准备作一些重大建设,特别是在1932—1935年汪精卫主持行政院的期间。然而总的说来国民政府统治未能遍及全中国,它的权力受到中国共产党的争夺并且受到日本在大
陆上进行侵略的威胁。
在国民政府统治的十年期间最严重的外来威胁是日本。1928年5月的济南事件说明了日本顾虑国民政府可能危害其在华权益,1931年9月的沈阳事件和1932年1月的袭击上海说明了日本的侵占意图。甚至在伪满洲国的成立以及.日
本对华北内蒙不断增加压力的情况之下,蒋介石对日本的政策,仍然采取被他的政敌称为绥靖的政策。蒋介石认为修国防,雪国耻,防蚕食,但在对日宣战之前,必须处理国内问题。
蒋介石国内的敌对势力是中国共产党和一部分反对蒋介石及其同伙的国民党员和独立军人。来自非共产党方面对蒋介石权力的挑战最初是广西的军人,最重要的有李宗仁和白崇禧,他们在北伐时虽与蒋介石联合,但并不听命。他
们自1929年分裂后,经常发生冲突。冯玉祥、阎锡山,在华北拥有军事实力,他们与南京作战,为期虽短,但破坏性很大。汪精卫与他们一起,准备在北平成立一个敌对政府,这个计划,因蒋介石得到控制满洲的张学良的从旁协助而失败。1931年2月,又一次危机在南京发生,蒋介石和国民党元老胡汉民冲突,胡汉民被蒋软禁,4月,国民党中央监察委员会四名老资格委员发表声明弹劾蒋介石,认为他的行动违背了党章。1931年5月,一批南方的国民党首脑
在广州集会,在广州成立新的反对派政府否认南京的地位。当时,恰遇1931年9月的沈阳事件,全国处于日本侵略满洲的紧急状态,蒋介石由此解围,南京广州谈判,释放胡汉民,并以蒋介石于当年冬天暂时引退为条件,双方重新言
和。1933年11月,国民党内的广东实力派陈铭枢,在福建起义反对南京。福建起义集团谴责蒋介石政府,发表宣言,号召建立抗日民主政府。福建政府由于孤立无助,1934年1月,被蒋介石扑灭。
中国共产党军力的增强,对南京当局是一个威胁。统一中国是蒋介石的主要目标,从1930年冬天起,他连续进行了五次征伐企图从华中华南农村地区消灭共产党的军事力量。蒋介石继续集中力量攻打共产党摧毁共产党的根据地,
而对日军却置之不顾。1932年,他在武汉设立行营指挥征剿豫鄂皖三省的共产党根据地,以后又把前线指挥部迁到江西南昌,1933—1934年对中央苏区进行围剿。
几年前,蒋介石已开始广为使用德国军官训练他的军队:鲍尔上校、克里勒将军、韦策尔中将等相继充当他的主要军事顾问,施滕尼上尉为他训练随身警卫部队,近代德军的重要职业军官、第一次大战后德军总参谋长赛克特上将
在1934—1935年率领德国军事代表团驻在中国,蒋介石又力求通过新生活运动实施他的计划。1934年2月19日他在南昌发表演说,号召为中国发动一次“出现新的生活的运动”。3月间,他又作了四次讲演,进一步阐明他的理想和实
施方案。新生活运动的道德标准是基于中国旧道德观念和基督教义的勤俭诚朴等内容。它的公开的目的是要遏制共产主义思想的传播,重振中国人的精神,以求中国的真正统一。1934年这个运动有所进展,此后就失去了它的活力。
1934年下半年,蒋介石终于包围住了共产党在江西的主要根据地,迫使共产党主力向西北撤退。但是,1935年间,日军在华北增兵加大政治压力,这不仅转移了公众对共产党的注意力,而且出现了一种反对延长国共内战的浪潮。
中国共产党当局,鉴于民众舆论和苏联政策的改变,于1935年下半年,提出抗日统一战线,以动员全民抗战的主张。
1935年12月,蒋介石继汪精卫任行政院长。注精卫作为一个行政首长而采取不得人心的与日敷衍的政策,由于反对他的声浪日益高涨,他已经在政治失利,汪精卫丧失了人心,而对蒋介石绥靖政策的抨击冷却了下来。当时蒋介石
巩固了他在南京的控制,他个人在国民党组织内的统治力量,已经明显的在1935年11月南京召开的国民党第五次全国代表大会中表现出来。1935年下半年,共产党已被逐到陕北这一遥远地区,对国民政府似乎不再成为主要威胁了。1936年广东陈济棠叛乱,但因他的空军和几名高级军官的倒戈而平息。
1936年10月,当蒋介石五十岁时,有五十架飞机作为寿礼送给他,充实了中国的新建空军。两个月后的西安事变,又孕育着一场新的全国危机。1936年12月12日,正当蒋介石在西北的西安视察,与镇压共产党的国民党军队的司令官会商,蒋介石被张学良等人扣留,要求停止对共产党的内战,实行全国抗日统一战线,改组南京国民政府。
12月15日以周恩来为首的中国共产党代表团到达西安,谈判出现了新局面,共产党代表团得知苏联主张保持蒋介石为全国领袖的地位。蒋介石的顾问端纳12月14日飞往西安,12月20日,宋子文到达西安,两日后,蒋夫人又飞往
西安。蒋外石表示接受叛军要求,但不愿签字。1936年12月25日,蒋介石获释。奇离的是,经西安事变蒋介石竟成了他历来反对的真正抗日统一战线的全国象征。
蒋介石和对日冲1936年12月西安事变后,原先抨击和反对蒋介石的人都承认他的全国领袖地位。大概是为了报答共产党使他获得释放的努力,不得不和他们在抗日统一战线上进行合作。1937年夏中日战争爆发,9月,国共双方在一项政治协定中签订了合作条款。双方协议上并未规定蒋介石为全国政治领袖的地位,但是保持了作为中国军队总司令的全部权力。
1937年7月7日,日军袭击北平附近的芦沟桥、北平和天津,并且控制了铁路干线。1937年8月,袭击上海,中国军队在秋季奋力抗击,但上海终于在11月12日陷落。同月,南京国民政府决定迁都重庆。1937年12月13日南京失陷
前几天,蒋介石才离开南京去江西和武汉。日军的“南京暴行”对中国百姓大施暴行,引起国际谴责。日本军事侵略的第二个阶段,在1938年夏深入侵入到长江流域,同时对华北铁路系统加强控制和封锁南方的广州。1938年10月,日
军占领武汉、广州。1938年底,湖南省会长沙由中国人自己无故烧毁,蒋介石本人撤往重庆。
1939年5月,日军空袭重庆,蒋介石战时首都之所以安全,因为那里在地理上远离日军在华的地面主力部队。由于日军力求巩固其已占领的富饶人众的地区的统治,因此中日冲突成为相持的局面。
在此期间,蒋介石的家庭中也发生了一些变化。1936年12月27日西安事后不久,他的长兄蒋锡候死在奉化,1937年4月,蒋经国在苏联度过了十二年后回国。蒋介石回奉化安葬他的长兄,在杭州会见蒋经国后一起回老家溪口。蒋
介石的发妻毛氏仍健在,她以能会见孙儿为乐。据说,在西安事变期间,毛氏准备用她自己的生命换取蒋介石的释放。这些传说,或许纯属虛构,许多中国入认为这是具有象征的意义。据报道1937年12月25日,日军轰炸奉化,毛氏被炸死,恰好正是蒋介石在西安获释一周年。
蒋介石仍认为国民党理所当然的要统治中国,在中日战争初期,他仍用大量的军队来抑制共产党在西北的新根据地。他同意共产党部队在名义上纳入全国军事体制,但这些部队始终没有受他控制,联合并非易事。后来,由于1941年1月新四军事件,使联合趋于破裂。
蒋介石还在国民党内巩固他的领袖地位。1938年3月,国民党在汉口召开特别代表大会,修改党章允许选举蒋介石为总裁,这相当于仅有孙逸仙之称为总理的职称。现在蒋介石对党内的一切决定拥有否决权。为了尊重汪精卫在党
内资历,选他为副总裁。在1938年3月的会议上,国民党通过了全国抗战纲领作为在日本侵华期间国民政府政策的正式依据。又准备建立国民参政会,由各政治集团的代表参加,其中包括中国共产党。
抗战初期,国民党内最大的变化是汪精卫的背叛。日本侵华的第一年,汪精卫愈来愈怀疑中国长期抗击日军的力量。1938年12月,他由华西去法属印度支那的河内,发表公开声明,要求蒋介石停止武装抗日和日本议和,蒋介石加
以拒绝。1939年初,汪精卫被清除出党。1939年的最初几周,汪精卫留居河内,蒋介石不能明察他的动向。1939年3月,几名武装人员,冲入汪精卫在河内的竹宅,他本人未受创伤,但与他相处很久的助手和亲信曾仲鸣重伤。汪精卫
认为谋害曾仲鸣一案,蒋介石负有责任,他当即与重庆断绝一切关系,与日本代表商议合作。日伪南京政府于1940年3月30日成立,汪精卫为最高长官,11月,日本予以正式的外交承认。
蒋介石在重庆虽未担任国家元首的职务,但他通过国民党和他自己任军事委员会委员长的地位控制国民政府。1939年2月,蒋介石任最高国防委员会主席,最高国防委员会是战争时期代替中央政治会议在重庆的最高政治权力机构。
中日战争初期,重庆要获得战争胜利的希望是很黯的。唯一支援蒋介石的国家只有苏联。1937年8月签订的中苏互不侵犯条约的条款规定,俄国(有其自身的战略要求)支持国民政府反对共同敌人。俄国运送战时物资到华西,
派飞行员和飞机支援空军抗日。然而1939年9月,战争在欧洲爆发,蒋介石政府在政治上更为孤立了。1940年7月,英国答应日本的要求,封锁缅甸公路禁止对华运输三个月,中断了与仰光的陆上联系,中断了与国外的联系。美国虽
然断断续续地谴责日本的侵略,但继续对日本运输重要战略物资,其对蒋介石的援助则微乎其微。1939年12月和1940年3月,华盛顿当局和著名银行家陈光甫谈判,延长商业信贷,但一直到1940年11月,才拨付贷款一亿美元,半数用于一般用途,半数用于稳定中国的货币。由于蒋介石很希望得到德国的军事建议,因此,德国不顾1936年11月签订的反共协定和日本正式结盟,在中日战争初期,继续支援中国。自1935年3月塞克特回柏林后,蒋介石继续要求德国的军事援助,希特勒乃派法肯豪森协助蒋介石一直到1938年,后因日本对德国政府施加压力才召回。蒋介石到1941年7月1日才与柏林、罗马断交,因为那时德、意轴心国政府承认了日伪南京政府。
1941年12月,日本袭击珍珠港,迫使美国卷入了全球的冲突之中。在中国战场上,日本继续保持它的地位并向东南亚扩张势力以便利用那里的资源。重庆的国民政府,虽然西方各国和苏联都承认为合法政府,但蒋介石只能在内地
省份施行其有效统治。而北起满洲黑龙江南至东京湾这个半独立的广大日本占领地区,却占有了全国土地、人口、资源的半数以上。共产党统治的地区,分布在中国北部、东部和中部的半独立地区,又归由延安反叛的共产党政府所统
治。蒋介石认为,国民党的最妥善政策是遏制共产党地区,用一切办法加强国民政府的政治地位。
1941年12月9日,中国向日、徳、意宣战,全力支持盟国。12月下半月,重庆召开军事会议,蒋介石、美国布赖特少将、英国魏菲尔将军出席,把中国列入了盟军作战计划中的一个组成战区。1942年7月,蒋介石任该战区最高司
令,这个战区包括印度支那、泰国。罗斯福总统任史迪威中将为中缅印战区美军司令,兼任蒋介石的参谋长。1938年来到中国的退休中校陈纳德,在1941年8月组成美国志愿航空队,即著名的飞虎队,编入美国第十四空军总队。除此之外,1942年2月,美国批准对华贷款五亿美元,7月,英国又批准五千万英镑贷款。
1941年12月25日香港的陷落和1942年2月15日新加坡的陷落,表明日本对远东的军事压力迅速增加。由于盟军在远东的处境严重逆转,1942年,蒋介石在国际政治生活中第一次提出倡议,一旦印度屈服于日本的政治和军事压力,
那末盟军在亚洲的战略地位将会十分困难。蒋介石声称,倘能与甘地会晤,必将说服这位印度首领给盟军以坚决支持,否则,印度国大党领袖和英国政府关系紧张,印度很可能为日本的泛亚洲主义和反欧洲各国的宣传所动摇。英国对中国的计划抱批判态度,罗斯福总统却予以肯定。1942年2月,蒋介石和他夫人去印度作两周访问,他们在加尔各答和甘地商谈有关亚洲人口最多的两个国家反对帝国主义的共同利益,并在新德里与英国总督会谈。但此行并无出色的成就。
1942年纪念1911年10月10日武昌起义的庆祝活动,在作为全国政治领袖的蒋介石的生涯中是一件值得铭记的事。英美政府同时通知重庆国民政府,准备取消在华治外法权和其他特权,并准备在平等互利的基础上另订新约。三个月
后,1943年1月10日,签订了新的中美条约和中英条约。尽管这几个与西方主要国家签订的条约是中国大块领土被日本军事占领的时候,在战争紧迫需要的压力下实现的,在国内被广泛认为是近代中国民族主义革命(以及国民党)的
主要目的之一的最终实现,也是蒋介石的一次个人的胜利。蒋介石在题为“新条约新义务”的告全中国书中得意的说:“五十年流血革命,五年半抗战,经过极大牺牲,最后终于改变了一百多年来不平等条约的苦难历程而取得了废除不平等条约的光荣结果。一扫过去的耻辱,重获独立自由,从此有机会使国家强大”。
蒋介石关于战后世界和中国的地位的观点,在他的《中国之命运》一书中说得明明白白,这是他的一本仅有的政治论文集,1943年3月为纪念孙逸仙逝世十八周年在重庆出版,发行全国。不少观察者认为蒋介石的《中国之命运》,
是对1940年1月毛泽东《新民主主义论》的答辩。中国人以及许多日本人注意到,虽然《中国之命运》的出版是在西方国家取消治外法权的同时,但此书主要是对西方“帝国主义”的罪恶作了长篇抨击。
1943年8月1日,林森突然逝世,蒋介石继林森当了国家元首。1943年10月10日就任中华民国国民政府主席。在10月莫斯科宣言中,主要由于美国的坚持,承认中国为战后重建世界的“四强”之一。蒋介石因罗斯福和邱吉尔邀他
参加开罗会议更增加了他的国际声誉。蒋介石由他妻子、王宠惠和一些顾问陪同飞往开罗。盟方的三名领袖,会谈后于1943年12月1日发表开罗宣言,重申联合一致迫使日本投降,并同意战胜日本后,满洲、台湾、琉球归还中国,蒋
并负有盟军在缅甸战场联合作战计划——巴奇纳计划——中的特殊使命。罗斯福、邱吉尔与斯大林又在德黑兰会议。这次会议降低了中国在全球战争中的地位,强调翌年春季诺曼第登陆计划——霸王计划,因此巴奇纳计划被取消。蒋
介石大为恼怒,向罗斯福提出要十亿元贷款,增加原先答应供应的飞机一倍以及增加空运物资。蒋介石这次要胁的最大后果是减少了罗斯福对华的容忍和友谊。
重庆的蒋介石和东京的日本政府,对中国共产党势力的扩充和潜在的爆炸性力量都怀有警惕。他们从国家的立场上说虽是敌人,但对苏联的力量在亚洲与中国共产党的力量相结合而形成的长期威胁却有同样的顾虑。中国共产党虽
在重庆有一个很小的联络代表团,但1941年后,他们把大部分力量用于在华东、华北乡村中扩大组织和在敌后建立有农民支持的巩固根据地。1943年,汪伪政府的日本大使重光葵由南京回东京任外务大臣,所谓对华新政策在日本日
渐形成。这项政策的主要目的是与蒋介石达成对双方有利的政治解决方案,为此日本将压低其早期的统治东亚的野心,但要排拒西方列强在政治、经济、军事各方面重建过去的势力。1943年10月,东京和南京签订了一个新的较为开明的同盟条约,向重庆主动表示愿意媾和,东京持有这样的方针,认为蒋介石的长远利益是与英美断绝关系,而和思想一致的亚洲领导人们共同合作消灭中国的共产主义运动。对日本的新姿态,蒋介石并未作公开反应,但有些人认为蒋介石与日本人相比较,中国共产党人是最大的长期的威胁。
盟军的主要重点还是放在欧洲战场上,1944年这一年给蒋介石带来了一系列的困难和挫折。当时,日本军事行动的一项主要目标,是打通从满洲到广州而至印度支那的铁路通道。因此,1944年春,日军对河南、湖南增加压力,5
月,攻陷长沙,8月,占领衡阳。日军不难从湖南横扫广西。10月,迅速攻陷桂林、柳州、南宁,而后沿铁路线挺进,直迫贵州。1944年12月,攻陷独山,这对重庆威胁极大,但至此日军停止了进攻。
1941年到1944年美国驻重庆大使高思,这是在中国大陆做大使的最后一名职业外交官。1944年这一年,高思和在华美国外交官对中国的军政形势都表示悲观,他们关切华东前线中国的抵抗力量的崩溃以及1944年11月日本占领重要
的桂林航空基地,他们认为,在蒋管区,由于政治消沉和官吏无能致使民心涣散、作战无力。他们另一个担忧的问题是蒋介石和中国共产党之间的裂缝愈来深。
高思大使任内,华盛顿不断派来特使,以增强和蒋介石的合作,鼓舞中国人的士气,如1942年10月,派来威尔基,1944年6月派来副总统华莱士,还有战时物资生产局主席纳尔逊,1944年9月,赫尔利率代表团来华。
10月,华盛顿召回与蒋介石积怨很深的史迪威将军。11月1日高思辞职,赫尔利继任大使,他在不到一年的任期内,力求弥合蒋介石和中国共产党之间的裂缝,但未成功。
尽管有各种问题,在战争年代,蒋介石仍被认为是全国领袖,在军事上和国民党内他仍然是一个具有支配权的人物。1945年5月,国民党第六次全国代表大会在重庆召开,蒋介石又当选为总裁,选出了一个新的人数大量增加的中
央执行委员会,以便联系非共产党的政治人物和蒋介石的外围势力。1945年春,旧金山开会,中国被选为联合国安理会常任理事,中国之成为主要大国的地位得到确认。
为庆祝战胜日本,在中国从1945年9月3日开始放假三天,蒋介石被称誉为他的“坚定英明的领导”使国家安然度过了困难的战争年代。蒋介石任命他的老资格的军事上的合作者何应钦为陆军司令,接受日本投降。日本军司令长官冈村于1945年9月9日在南京向何应钦正式投降,国民党军队开进日本占领的沿海城市。
争夺大陆的斗争蒋介石在中国的权力在战争年代削弱了。日本失败后,他和共产党进入了面对面的斗争,他在对日胜利日发表的告全中国书中,对共产党采取毫不协妥的立场。日本接受投降后,延安发布的命令毛泽东要求共产党军队“继续作战”接受日军和伪军的投降,收缴其武器装备。赫尔利由张治中陪同飞往延安邀请毛泽东到重庆商谈关于两党分裂的一些重要问题。1945年8月28日毛泽东抵达重庆,8月29日蒋介石正式宴请毛泽东。
接着在六个星期期间,张群、王世杰和邵力子代表国民政府,周恩来和王若飞代表共产党,举行了谈判。虽然谈判在军事政治中心问题上陷于僵持,但蒋介石和毛泽东达成了一个初步协议,同意从事和平建设和召开政治协商会议,
邀请各派代表出席,为进一步商讨奠定了一定基础。1945年10月10日,毛泽东回延安前夕,蒋介石招待他观看京剧。
11月27日,杜鲁门总统同意赫尔利辞职,派战时美国陆军总参谋长马歇尔以大使衔任杜鲁门的驻华特使。马歇尔将军的任务是继续赫尔利所开始的调解工作,设法使双方停战。1946年1月,马歇尔、张群、周恩来三入委员会达成
停战协定,为实现停战,在北平成立执行部,三方停战小组派往前线监督停火。但是国共双方的猜疑太深,美国所作调解努力瞬即无效。
美国的主要目的虽在调解,但是愈来愈偏向蒋介石一方,给国民党供应机器、汽车、面粉等各种物资。1947年[月,马歇尔回国任国务卿时,发表声明,详尽坦率承认其使命的失败。
在1946年晚一些时候,蒋介石鉴于对国民党二十年垄断国民政府的长期以来的批评,于11月15日国民党在南京单方面召开了制宪国民代表大会,共产党和民主同盟拒绝参加。大会拟订了新宪法,12月25日通过,1947年1月1日由
国民政府公布。宪法以孙逸仙的政治主张为根据。新的国民政府于1947年4月18日在南京成立,张群为行政院长。11月,在国民党统治区内选举国大代表,国民党获得多数票。
国民代表大会于1948年3月28日在南京正式召开,大会负有选举新的立宪政府的领导官员的责任。蒋介石声称他本人将全力专注于军事,建议选举胡适为总统。然而4月,国大代表投票,蒋介石以2,430绝对多数票数获胜,居正为
269票。在副总统选举中,出现了李宗仁和孙科之间出乎意料的激烈竟争。国民党中央官员坚决支持孙科,但结果李宗仁以较多票当选。1948年5月,按照1947年的新宪法规定,翁文灏任行宪政府的第一任行政院长。国大通过决议,鉴于内战,总统有权不依宪法程序,“采取紧急措施以制止危及国家或人民的安全的紧迫威胁,或是对付严重的财政或经济危机。”这样,蒋介石仍旧拥有施行宪法之外的一切大权。
在此期间,争夺控制中国的斗争继续在广大农村进行。在1947年和1948年这两年中,蒋介石时常巡视满洲和中国本部指挥军事。他起先想在满洲确立国民党的军事势力,结果是在漫长的交通线上分散了兵力,又加上计划不善,逐
渐丧失了战略优势。国民党阵营中,由于高级将领在政治上和个人问题上互相争吵而形成四分五裂。蒋介石陷入了善战的共产党将军林彪、陈毅、刘伯承指挥的运动战之中,他们在广人农村发动广大群众,作战迅猛果断。他们采取了
传统的军事原则进行地面战,稳步地击溃了蒋介石的国民党军。南满最大的工业城市沈阳于1948年11月1日落入共产党之手。共产党指战员在平津战役、徐州的淮海战役中消灭了国民党军,结束了蒋介石在长江以北的力量。
在取得老百姓的支持上,国民党的文职官员并不比军官更好。日本投降后,国民党人在所谓接收活动中接踵而来的腐败情形,中国人民并不是视而不见。战争期间已开始的通货膨涨不断增速,给老百姓带来许多新的灾难。为了
恢复社会秩序、经济秩序,1948年8月,南京采取改革措施,改用金圆券,但已经为时太晚了。所有金银外币都要兑换成金圆券。这次改革马上证明又是一场大失败,金圆券迅速落价,它夺去了不少勤俭的人的积蓄。1948年底,国民政府管辖的不少地区,由那些办事无能、行为失检的国民党机构松松散散地统治着。
1949年,蒋介石在全国新年文告中提出和共产党和平谈判,但为时太晚了。在共产党的答复中提出的严厉的条件,表明不可能折衷解决了。在满洲、华北、徐州战役失败后,1949年1月21日,蒋介石宣布辞去总统职务,他坐专
机离南京去奉化。李宗仁为代总统,但蒋介石仍保持其在国民党中的最高职位。他因为他的广西敌手上台而羞恼,他惯于阻难李宗仁的作为,想方设法地控制华南。他以蒋经国、参谋总长顾祝同和陈诚为帮手行使实权,他派陈诚去
台湾,准备把该岛作为撤退后路。李宗仁对蒋介石的重大决策经常一无所知。
1949年7月,蒋介石飞往菲律宾,在巴基奥与总统奎里诺会谈,发表一项反共联合宣言。8月,去朝鲜,与总统李承晚会谈,两人重申他们的反对国际共产主义运动的立场。在8月间晚些时候,蒋介石、蒋经国飞往四川,蒋并去
成都为戴季陶扫墓。9月23日蒋介石去昆明争取云南省省主席卢汉的支持,此行未获成果,西南联防计划归于失败。
9月底,蒋介石和他儿子回到广州。在1949年期间,蒋经国经常陪随在蒋介石身边。他们在广州和李宗仁会谈,放弃了防守广东的计划,1949年10月,国民政府的残剩机构从广州迁往重庆。11月,李宗仁因病出国。蒋介石在重庆失守
那一天离重庆飞往成都。1949年12月10日午后,共产党军队迅猛迫近成都,蒋介石直奔机场,登上军用机,经七小时的飞行越过共产党控制地区,在台湾岛降落。
台湾并不欢迎从大陆逃来的人们。台湾人对1945—1947年陈仪统治该岛期间国民党的倒行逆施就很为反感。陈仪政府的腐败横行,促使台北台湾人民于1947年2月28日举行大规模示威,有扩展成全岛起义之势,陈仪横暴镇压,屠
杀了无数台湾人民。1949年大陆上大批国民党人去台湾时,台湾的经济还得从二次大战期间美国轰炸该岛所造成的破坏中恢复创伤,而1949年后日籍技术人员又被迫遣返日本,农民对倒行逆施的土地政策也不满。
蒋介石在台湾采取措施,建立他的全面统治。他自认在大陆的溃败负有责任,强调认为国民党的失败是造成这场灾难的根本原因,他致力于恢复大陆。蒋介石利用亲信,以及国库、军队和秘密警察,一步步把他的政治地位巩固起
来并使之合法化。他任命吴国祯为台湾省主席。1950年3月1日,蒋介石再任中华民国政府总统之职。
蒋介石面对着许多严重的政治问题。曾经是蒋介石主要的外援力量的美国政府从它认为的必将失败的事业中摆脱出来。1950年1月5日,杜鲁门总统根据美国政府人员的研究,声称将不再给台湾的国民党军队以军事援助或军事建议。
在某种意义上说,蒋介石因斯大林和共产党于1950年6月在朝鲜的军事行动而从灾难中得到解救,因为这次危机明显地改变了美国对台湾地位的估计,而增强了台湾在美国远东军事计划中的重要性,因此对改进蒋介石未来地位有
明显影响。1950年5月27日杜鲁门总统宣布了美国政策方面的急剧变化,他下令美国第七舰队开驻台湾海峡。自1950年10月11月间,中国共产党干预了朝鲜冲突后,华盛顿开始了一个对国民政府进行大规模的军事经济援助的计划。一
惯傲慢专横的蒋介石处于绝对依靠美国外力支持的地位。
他认为内部的相互仇视,使他的党变成了一个散涣的派系联盟,造成了国民党在大箝的许多困难,因此在1950年他开始着手对国民党进行一次重大的改组。在6月间他宣布解散自1945年以来一直存在的庞大又不听调度的中央执
行委员会和监察委员会,任命了个由十六人组成的精干的改革委员会,负责草拟计划以改进党务机构并提高办事效率。1952年10月,在台北召开的国民党第七次全国代表大会上,蒋介石再次当选为总裁,此后,在第八次(1957年10月)、第九次(1963年11月)国民党全国代表大会上连续当选为总裁。
在台湾的国民政府机构中,蒋介石仍是中华民国的总统。1948年当选为副总统的李宗仁于1952年被缺席裁定开除出国民党,国大以李宗仁“违反国法玩忽职守”为理由撤消其职务,那时李宗仁在美国。1954年3月,六年前在南京设
定的国大用越宪手段在台湾召开,约有半数人缺席,再度选举蒋介右为总统,选举陈诚替代李宗仁而为副总统。宪法规定,总统任期六年,连任限于两次,这个限制在“共产党叛乱”期间暂时取消。1960年3月,蒋介石当选为第三
届连任总统。1966年3月,蒋介石近七十九岁,再当选为总统,并无人反对。国艮政府总理严家淦当选为副总统,因前任副总统陈诚于1965年3月死去。
蒋介石也是台湾的军事统帅。1950年以后,国民党军队经驻在台湾的美国顾问的协助,训练良好,装备优良。美国在艾森豪威尔总统任内,其政策的重点放在“放手让蒋介石干”和国务卿杜勒斯认为中国大陆的共产主义只是“昙
花一现的现象”的主张。美国对蒋介石所作的承诺,终于在1954年12月与中华民国政府签订了共同防御条约,美国承诺一旦台湾或澎湖受到攻击,美国即予直接援助。1955年1月,美国国会通过联合决议,赋予总统有权执行条约义务
使用美国军队。虽然有了这样一个条约,但蒋介石未能达到使美国对他追求的收复大陆的长期目标给予支持。
1955年后,台湾的经济情况有显著改进,工农业生产明显的迅速增加,经济增长率很高,由于美国的帮助,台湾达到亚洲地区很高的生活水准。但是长期的经济计划和经济增长,因军费太大、人口增长太快而受到限制。台湾的中
华民国政府自称为立宪民主政体,但在有些方面的表现,它又是一个极权政体,在这个政体中蒋介石几乎拥有无限的个人权力。蒋介石致力于恢复大陆的计划,却延误了把台湾建立成一个具有巩固的经济基础又深得群众拥护的独立
政治实体的计划。
蒋介石自从1928年取得权力后,把原来大多由广东首脑人物控制的国民党改变成为一个对他个人负责而大多由他本乡浙江人组成的机构了。蒋介石的政治统治集合了许多似乎是互相矛盾的因素。总而言之,蒋介石政治生涯中的最
显著的特征是尽管遇到很多困难和无数敌手,他却保持了他的个人身份和政治身份。从1928年起到1949年,在世界上看来,蒋介石不是代表中国,而他就等于是中国,他严酷固执的个性成为中华民国的征象。在他的政治生涯黯然失色终了之前,他是中国在世界上地位上升时期一个主要人物,他是二十世纪世界历史中的重要人物之一。
关于蒋介石生涯的基本文献二十年代中,有一些知识界人上支持他,但那是把他当作一个国民领袖人物而并不是把他作为一个有声望的知识分子。然而,第二次世界大战期间,不少中国学者开始认为蒋介石的政治实践是旧式的,他的政治哲学思想是老朽
的。他的有关政府的基本哲学思想见之于在1943年重庆出版的《中国之命运》一书中,这本书的官方英文节本在当时由国民党宣传部出版。华西大学赖脱莱曾将该书的部分内容译成外文,1943年登在成都出版的《华西布道新闻》上。《中国之命运》增订本于1944年1月在重庆出版,根据这个本子,由王宠惠主持,美国卫理公会传教士普赖斯协助,组织了一些人译成一本官方的全译本。1947年英译本在美国出版。同年,经贾菲翻译有大量注释未经审定的译本在纽约出版。贾菲译本附有一篇蒋介石的短文,题为《中国的经济理论》,这是一篇未见译文的短文。《1937——1945蒋介石总司令战时书信集》两卷于1946年在纽约出版。这是一部有用的战时言论书信集。
1949年后蒋介石的重要讲演集已在台湾出版。1956年出版的《苏俄在中国》概述了蒋介石对战后的中国和国际政治问题的观点,这是一部主要的著作,这本书评述分析了国民党对共产主义所作的斗争,特别指出苏联的阴谋和
宣传对共产党在中国取得胜利所起的作用,把中国共产党描绘成为莫斯科的工具。该节英译本《苏俄在中国:七十回顾》1957年在美国在版,1965年节写本出版。1964年在台湾出版的《蒋总统集》是蒋介石演讲集中最完备的本子。
有关蒋介石早期活动的记述,有毛思诚的《民国十五年前之蒋介石先生》,1937年在南京出版,1965年在香港重印。毛思诚在写此书时用了蒋介石的日记、书信和官方文件以及其他材料。1934—1948年担任蒋介石私人秘书的陈布雷于1939年在上海出版《回忆录》,记载了他对二十年代和三十年代的有关事件和人物的印象。蒋介石的政敌冯玉祥所著《我所认识的蒋介石》一书于1949年在上海出版,坦率地记载了1927年至1947年间蒋介石的情况。陈伯达所著的《人民公敌蒋介石》一书是共产党对蒋介石的政策及其《中国之命运》的严厉攻击,该书1948年在张家口、1949年在北京出版。
为西方读者而作的官方传记,是董显光的《蒋介石:军人和政治家》,1937年在上海出版,1941年出版中译本,其增订本为《蒋总统传》,1953年在台北出版。其他英文本的传记有张歆海的《蒋介石:天命所赐的亚洲一人》,1944年出版;熊式一的《蒋介石的一生》,1948年出版。
1927年后出版的有关中国政治的重要书籍和大多数的文章都载有蒋介石的情况。例如阿曼的〈〈蒋介石和国民党政权》(1939),贝可夫的《中国的强人》(1938),斯文哈定的《蒋石介:中国的将军》(1940),林伯克的《蒋
介石的中国》(1943年),项美丽的《蒋介石:一本未经审订的传记》(1955),该书大都是轶闻传说。一本重要的西方对蒋介石的评价的书籍是怀德和约科的《中国风暴》(1946年),怀德还编了一本《史迪威书信集》(1948),书中记载了史迪威述说的他本人与蒋介石之间严重对立情况。1963年出版的唐纵所著《1941一50年美国在华的失败》一书,介绍了蒋介石在这十年期间的政治地位和政策。1966年哈佛大学的哥岗所写的博士学位论文《国民党和蒋介石的兴
起》,研究了二十年代蒋介石夺取政权的初步活动。