Biography in English

Dalai Lama (26 June 1876-17 December 1933), spiritual and temporal ruler of 1 ibet. The thirteenth Dalai was known for his economic and political reforms and for trying to establish independence in Tibet.

Born into a peasant family in an isolated district of Tak-po province in southeastern Tibet, the thirteenth Dalai Lama had several brothers, three of them older than he. After being brought to Lhasa at the age of two, he was confirmed there in 1879 without the participation of the Chinese imperial resident [amban] at Lhasa, who traditionally selected the name of the Dalai Lama from an urn, although with the consent of the emperor. The unusual confirmation proved to be a portent of the later relations between Lhasa and the Ch'ing court at Peking, which had established a protectorate over Tibet in the eighteenth century and thereafter had followed a seclusion policy. The Dalai's mother died when he was three years old. His father, Künga Rincheu, lived at Lhasa and, as was customary for the close relatives of a Dalai Lama, received special honor and political positions in the Tibetan government. Throughout the Dalai's minority a regent ruled at Lhasa.

When the time came for the Dalai's enthronement at the age of 18, the regent and his brother, the prime minister, allegedly plotted to remain in power. An oracle revealed a plan to cause the Dalai's death through the use of a magic diagram inserted into the sole of one of a pair of boots that had been given the Dalai. The diagram was designed to invoke the aid of evil spirits to destroy the wearer of the boots. The regent and the prime minister were arrested and imprisoned.

In 1895, at the age of 20, the Dalai Lama assumed power in Tibet as the incarnation of the Bodhisattva Chen-re-zi, the patron deity of Tibet. He was the first Dalai Lama to come to power in the nineteenth century, for his predecessors since 1804 had died before reaching maturity, leaving the regents in power. The Dalai Lama immediately began to establish his authority, facing the problem of competition from such rivals as the Ten-gye-ling lamasery, of which his regent had been head, and the Drepung lamasery.

The bypassing of the prerogatives of the imperial resident at the time of the Dalai Lama's confirmation in 1879 had marked Lhasa's initial challenge to the Ch'ing throne. In 1890 Peking had recognized the British protectorate over the neighboring hill state of Sikkim in a convention providing for the demarcation of the Sikkim-Tibet border. In 1893 a new Sino- British agreement on India-Tibet trade through the Chumbi valley had provided for the opening of a new trading market at Yatung in Tibet. The defeat of China by Japan in 1895, the year of the thirteenth Dalai's ascension to power, led to increasing Tibetan defiance of Peking's suzerainty. The Tibetan government did not acknowledge the validity of the Sino-British arrangements, to which it had not been a party, and repulsed moves by the British to open up the projected trade route and to regularize relations with Tibet.

The Dalai Lama was supported in his defiant position by a Buriat Mongol named Dorje, who also was known as Dorjiev. Dorje was a Russian subject who had gone to Tibet in 1880 and who, after winning theological honors at the Drepung lamasery, had become one of the Dalai's tutors and a trusted adviser. In 1898 Dorje returned to Russia to collect funds for the Lama Buddhist religion. The authorities at St. Petersburg, on learning of his mission, engaged him to act as their agent in Tibet, and Dorje returned to Lhasa well supplied with money and gifts for the powerful lamaseries. He then urged the Dalai Lama to seek the support of Russia. The Dalai sent a mission to St. Petersburg in 1901 to establish contact with the court of Tsar Nicholas II. At that time, as a result of the disastrous Boxer Uprising, the Chinese court had been [1] forced to flee from Peking, and Manchuria had been occupied by Russian troops. The situation appeared to favor reaUzation of the Dalai Lama's hopes for independence from China. The Ch'ing imperial resident at Lhasa strongly opposed the signing of any treaty between Tibet and Russia, as did the Tibetan Grand Council. Dorje then set about to provoke a crisis in Tibetan-British relations in order to create closer contacts with Russia. British fears of Russian expansion increased, and Lord Curzon, the British Viceroy in India, believed that Russian influence, if established in Tibet, would penetrate the Himalayan hill states and threaten India itself The net result of the Dalai's intransigence, Dorje's scheming, and British suspicion was the dispatching of a British expedition led by Colonel Francis Younghusband and backed by 8,000 troops. That expedition was intended to force the Dalai Lama to comply with the terms of the 1893 Sino-British trade agreement and to forestall anticipated Russian moves.

By March 1904, when the first British-Tibetan engagement was fought on the road to the trade center Gyantse, Russia had become involved in the Russo-Japanese war and, accordingly, paid little attention to the Tibetan situation. At the end of July, as the British forces neared Lhasa, the Dalai Lama, accompanied by Dorje, fled northward to seek refuge in Outer Mongolia. In September 1904 the Tibetan Grand Council was forced by the Younghusband expedition to sign an agreement that, in effect, established a British protectorate. Although the Younghusband convention later was modified, its signature in Lhasa weakened the Dalai Lama's authority. After his flight from Lhasa, the Chinese authorities at Peking invited the ninth Panchen Lama (q.v.) to become regent in Tibet. The Panchen refused, but gave general support to the Ch'ing authorities during the Dalai's absence.

Although his departure from Lhasa had been precipitate, the Dalai Lama nevertheless had traveled in a manner befitting his station. He arrived at Urga (Ulan Bator) in November 1904 with a party of some 700 persons. His host there was the primate of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia, the Living Buddha at Urga, or Jebtsun-damba-hutukhtu. While at Urga, the Dalai communicated through Dorje with the Russian Tsar in an attempt to enlist Russian support for theTibetan independence movement. In 1906 the Dalai Lama left Urga and traveled to Kokonor in northeastern Tibet. There he stayed in Lama Buddhist lamaseries. During his absence from Tibet proper, the Dalai's hopes of obtaining major assistance from Russia against the Chinese and the British gradually diminished. In 1906 the suzerainty of the Chinese court over Tibet. was reasserted and acknowledged in an Anglo-Chinese agreement. In August 1907 Britain and Russia signed a general agreement whereby Russia promised not to interfere in Tibetan political affairs and recognized the British "special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in the external relations of Tibet." Despite these unfavorable developments, the Dalai Lama continued to work for increased independence from China. By an imperial decree of July 1907 he had been invited—actually summoned—to Peking. However, he went instead to the sacred Wu-t'ai mountain in Shansi province, arriving there in the spring of 1908. A Chinese decree of March 1908 announced a program of political reform for Tibet. Nevertheless, the Dalai remained for several months at Wu-t'ai mountain, where he was visited occasionally by diplomats from Peking. He finally arrived at the capital on 20 September 1908 and had an audience with the emperor and the empress dowager in mid- October, just a month before the two Ch'ing rulers died. The attitude of the Chinese court was indicated by the new title bestowed upon the Dalai Lama, "The Sincerely Obedient, Reincarnation-Helping, Most Excellent, Self- Existing Buddha of the West." The Dalai himself, however, had no intention of confirming his subservience by accepting the title. At Peking, he was visited by various foreign diplomats, notably the Russian, British, American, and Japanese envoys. In his meeting with Sir John Jordan, the British minister, the Dalai Lama expressed a desire for peace and friendship between Tibet and India. Since Sir John's response appeared to off"er substantial satisfaction, the Dalai turned toward Britain in the hope of obtaining support against China. The visit of the Dalai Lama to Peking in 1908 was described in detail by W. W. Rockhill, the American minister, in an article, "The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa," which appeared in the sinological journal T'oung Pao in 1910. The Dalai Lama left Peking for Lhasa on 21 December 1908. In the meantime, Peking had sent military forces to Tibet. The Chinese general Chao Erh-feng (T. Chi-ho; d. 1911), the brother of Chao Erh-sun (q.v.), had established a base for an advance into Eastern Tibet by conquering Batang in 1906. In 1909, as the Dalai Lama's party traveled westward across China, the Chinese army drove deeper into Tibet. The Dalai Lama reached Lhasa in December 1909. Chao Erh-feng and the Chinese army arrived about a month later. As the Chinese troops neared the holy city, the Dalai negotiated an understanding with the Ch'ing authorities through Wen Tsung-yao, the imperial resident's assistant. Because he was apprehensive about Chinese intentions, however, he decided to flee from his capital a second time. He left Lhasa on 12 February 1910, accompanied by Dorje. After the Dalai's flight, the Chinese imperial government at Peking issued an edict on 25 February 1910 deposing him as ruler of Tibet. Once again Peking invited the Panchen Lama to assume the Dalai's powers, but the Panchen refused.

The Dalai Lama's party moved toward India, making its way first to Darjeeling in Sikkim. Charles A. Bell, the British official in charge of the relations of the government of India with Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet, met with him. The Dalai explained that he had come to seek the assistance of the British government against the Chinese. In March 1910 he went to Calcutta, where he talked with Lord Minto, the Viceroy of India, about the potential Chinese threat, through Tibet, to the Himalayan border states on India's northern frontier. But the Anglo- Chinese treaty of 1906 had acknowledged that Tibet was part of China, and the 1907 Anglo- Russian convention called for mutual abstention from interference in Tibetan affairs. The British policy of that period was, in effect, to admit virtually complete Chinese control over Tibet but to insist that the British would not permit Chinese interference in Nepal, Sikkim, or Bhutan. Throughout the period of over two years that the Dalai Lama and his government in exile remained on the Indian-Tibetan frontier, Charles Bell maintained friendly relations with him, and they frequently had private conversations.

Because he failed to obtain positive assistance from the British, the Dalai Lama turned to Nepal for aid. He also appealed to Russia again, only to have the reply transmitted, much to his discomfiture, through the British government in India. The Russian reply was as noncommittal as the British and Nepalese responses had been. The Chinese revolution that began in October 1911 caused the newly asserted Chinese control over Tibet to collapse. The Chinese military garrison at Lhasa revolted, killed its officers, and turned to looting the city. After the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty, the Dalai left Kalimpong in June 1912 to return to Tibet. He was unable to enter Lhasa, however, because Chinese troops still occupied the city. In July 1912 Yuan Shih-k'ai's government at Peking ordered a new expedition from Szechwan for the relief of the Lhasa garrison troops. It was only through British intervention at Peking that the Chinese occupation of Tibet was terminated and that Chinese forces were repatriated through India. The Dalai Lama finally returned to Lhasa in January 1913. In the preceding nine years he had spent only two months in Tibet.

The Dalai Lama was determined to eliminate Chinese authority from Tibet. In July 1912 he had sent Dorje back to Urga to negotiate a treaty with Outer Mongolia. In January 1913 he concluded a treaty with the Living Buddha at Urga which recognized the independence of their respective states. At Lhasa, the Dalai declared the independence of his country, justifying his action in part by saying that China was unable to protect Tibet from foreign aggression. When Yuan Shih-k'ai informed him that the Chinese government had restored his title, the Dalai replied that he desired no rank from the Chinese government, for he planned to exercise both ecclesiastical and temporal authority in Tibet. The new Chinese high commissioner to Tibet, appointed in 1913, was unable to reach Lhasa and remained in India. The Dalai Lama issued all titles in Tibet on his own authority; formerly, they had been granted only with the sanction of the Chinese emperor. He also began to sound out the opinion of his people on the advisability of Tibet's making a new place for itself in the international community. Peking then endeavored to assert its authority by occupying part of Eastern Tibet. To stabilize the situation and to obtain confirmation of its own interest in the status of Tibet, the British government in 1913 convened the Simla Conference, attended by British, Chinese, and Tibetan representatives. At that conference, the Dalai's representative pressed, for the de facto independence of Tibet and the restoration of its original boundaries. By the Simla Convention, as agreed upon and initialed by all three delegates in April 1914, Tibet was divided into two entities. Inner (or Eastern) Tibet and Outer Tibet, with the latter to enjoy full autonomy. Balking at the way the boundaries were drawn and rejecting the grant of autonomy, Peking repudiated its plenipotentiary representative and refused to acknowledge the validity of the convention. Great Britain and Tibet, however, recognized it as binding.

The Dalai Lama also attempted to centralize control over domestic affairs. He began to bypass the consultative assembly at Lhasa on the grounds that that body was obstructive. He improved the efficiency of governmental administration, abolished (for a time) the death penalty as being contrary to the precepts of Buddhism, and undertook measures to improve the government's financial condition. The Dalai gradually reduced the authority of the three great lamaseries of Tibet in the affairs of government. He now claimed sole right to bestow titles, which entailed grants of land, and changed the nature of those titles. They had been hereditary, but he now granted them for the life of the holder only. As supreme ruler of Tibet, he appointed all officials and heads of lamaseries. Recalcitrant ecclesiastics were subjected to heavy fines and to religious sanctions. In fiscal matters, the privileges of the lamaseries, as well as those of the Tibetan nobility, were reduced. Some of the increased tax revenues were used for military development. Near the end of 1917, the Chinese attacked in Eastern Tibet. The Tibetans on that occasion overwhelmingly defeated the Chinese and drove them out of territory they had held previously. The Dalai then proposed that additional troops be recruited yearly and that the Tibetan army be increased by 11,000 men to a total strength of 17,000. His plan was adopted.

The Chinese soon renewed their attempts to restore the relationship between China and Tibet that had existed during the Ch'ing dynasty. To that end they sent missions to Lhasa in 1919 and 1920. Those missions failed, largely, it would appear, because of the support extended by the British to the Dalai's government at that time. In the autumn of 1920 the British government, in response to requests from the Dalai Lama and his government, sent a diplomatic mission to Lhasa, the first from any Western nation. The mission was headed by Charles Bell, and it remained in Lhasa for 1 1 months. Bell renewed his friendship with the Dalai Lama and expressed the aim of British poUcy: that Tibet should enjoy internal autonomy and that her freedom would constitute the best defensive buffer to the security of India.

In the early 1920's a schism developed between the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. Because of their exalted natures, they had rarely met. The Dalai had not forgotten that on two occasions, in 1904 and 1910, the Chinese government had invited the Panchen to assume his authority. Although the Panchen had refused both invitations, the overtures had focused attention on him as a possible competitor for authority in Tibet. After the Dalai had returned to Lhasa in January 1913, he had criticized the Panchen for having collaborated with the Chinese during his absence and for having been less than energetic in attempting to oust them from Lhasa after the revolution of 1911. The Dalai Lama was categorically anti- Chinese; he was willing to be either pro- British or pro-Russian for the benefit of Tibet. The Panchen, though opposed to the internal policies of the government at Lhasa, was not actively pro-Chinese. The competition between the Dalai and the Panchen was complicated by the problem of the Dalai's right to collect taxes in the areas controlled by the Tashi- Ihunpo lamasery at Shigatse, which was under the jurisdiction of the Panchen. Thus, the Dalai's search for new tax sources to support his programs brought him into conflict with the Panchen Lama, and his efforts to create a regular Tibetan army were opposed by some of his co-religionists. The Dalai's demand that the Panchen pay a large amount of money and grain allegedly owed as taxes caused the Panchen to flee from Tibet in disguise in November 1923. When he arrived at Peking early in 1925, the Chinese authorities welcomed him and promptly undertook to groom him as their candidate for ruler of Tibet. Although the Dalai at various times entertained the idea of permitting the Panchen to return to Tibet, domestic pohtical considerations in Tibet overruled that plan. By 1925 the weaknesses of the Dalai Lama's eclectic foreign policy had become evident. He had followed a policy of playing one power against another to buttress Tibet's independent status, and he had never been able to establish a cohesive network of international relations. The Dalai began to reorient Tibetan policy away from Britain and toward China. He appointed an anti-British officer as commander of the army, and British influence at Lhasa declined sharply. There were also reports of Mongol visitors to Lhasa in 1927 and 1928 who were identified by the British as Soviet agents. In 1928 the Panchen Lama sent a delegation to Nanking to pay his respects and to request that the new Chinese authorities take full charge of Tibetan affairs. In 1930 there was a noncommittal exchange of amenities between Nanking and Lhasa through Liu Man-ch'ing, a 23year-old girl, half Chinese and half Tibetan, who served as an interpreter in the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. On his return to Tibet in 1930, Kung-chueh-chung-ni, a Tibetan lama who had been sent from Lhasa in 1922 to serve at the Yung-ho-kung, or Lama Temple, at Peking, carried with him eight questions from the National Government at Nanking which were designed to elicit the Dalai's terms for reconciliation. The Dalai set forth his proposals, which envisaged a return to the traditional suzerain-vassal relationship, with Tibetan autonomy recognized and Tibet's traditional frontiers restored.

After that exchange, the Dalai Lama sent a representative to Nanking. The National Government, in turn, sent a mission to Lhasa in 1931 with specific proposals for the restoration of "close relations" between Tibet and China. Only one day's march from Lhasa, the Nationalist envoy, Hsieh Kuo-liang, suddenly died. Meanwhile, a new problem had complicated the delicate matter of establishing relations between Lhasa and Nanking. This was the so-called Ta-chin-ssu afTair of 1930, a clash between Tibetan lamas and Chinese soldiers at Kantze in Eastern Tibet. It developed into a protracted struggle between the Tibetans and the forces of the Chinese commander in the area, Liu Wen-hui (q.v.), with Lhasa sending reinforcements to help sustain the Tibetan position. In 1932 and 1933 ceasefire agreements finally were concluded between Lhasa and those two areas of Eastern Tibet which the Chinese National Government had made into the provinces of Sikang and Tsinghai. The Dalai Lama's health had been weakened by an arduous work schedule, the hardships he had suffered during two extended exiles, and the lack of medical facilities in Tibet. In 1931 the Ne-chung oracle had predicted his early death. He died on 17 December 1933 at Lhasa. His death occurred on the last day of the tenth month of the Tibetan calendar, an evil omen by Tibetan reckoning. In January 1934 the Ra-dreng Hutukhtu, the head of the Ra-dreng lamasery, became regent of Tibet. Immediately after his election, he sent a message to Nanking which not only reported the change of authority but also requested the National Government's confirmation of his appointment. This was the first time since the Chinese revolution of 191 1 that an appointment in Tibet had been referred to the Chinese government. Without delay, Nanking granted its confirmation.

The thirteenth incarnation was one of the few Dalai Lamas to exercise real personal authority in Tibet. In this respect, he has been compared to the great fifth Dalai Lama, Lo-zang gya-tso (1617-82j, who ruled before the consolidation of Chinese power over the country in the eighteenth century. Despite notable domestic and international difficulties, the thirteenth Dalai succeeded, with the indirect aid of the Chinese revolution in 1911, in eliminating Chinese influence from Tibet for a period and in bringing de facto independence to his land.

The fourteenth incarnation of the Dalai Lama succeeded the thirteenth, but he fled into exile in 1959. The thirteenth Dalai Lama may prove to have been the last incarnation of the patron diety of Tibet to reign over that land. He has been sympathetically described by Charles A. Bell, who retired from government service after heading the British mission at Lhasa in 1920-21. Bell (by then Sir Charles Bell) dedicated his book Tibet Past and Present (1924) to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Sir Charles completed his later Portrait of the Dalai Lama a few days before his own death, and that work was published in 1946. Demchukdonggrub Chinese. Te Wang ^ ^

Biography in Chinese

达赖喇嘛(十三世)藏名:阿旺罗桑图登嘉错

达赖喇嘛(1876.6.26——1933.11.17),西藏的政教首领。他以改革西藏的政治经济,力求使西藏独立而闻名。

达赖出身在西藏东南部达布省的一个荒僻地区,有兄弟数人,上有三兄。他两岁时被带去拉萨,按旧例应由在拉萨的清廷驻藏大臣从金瓶掣出达赖喇嘛的名签以确定名分,这次未按此法办理,不过这得到清朝皇帝许可。这一破例的确定名分为日后拉萨与北京关系上的不祥之兆。清政府在十八世纪将西藏列为藩属后一直奉行闭关政策。达赖三岁时,母亲去世,他父亲贡格仁钦作为达
赖的近亲住在拉萨,理所当然地在西藏(喀厦)政府中享有特别尊敬和政治地位。在他未成年时期由摄政代行职权。

达赖十八岁到坐堂之年时,一次神示揭露,在给达赖穿的靴底中藏有杀害他的魔符,此符用来召邪神毁灭穿靴者。摄政与首相均被捕下狱。

1895年,达赖二十岁亲政,以“西藏护神菩提萨埵”身分亲政。达赖十三世是十九世纪第一个亲政的达赖喇嘛,以前的达赖喇嘛都在未成年时就死去,由摄政掌权。面临着过去的摄政为首的丹吉林寺和哲蚌寺争权斗争,他马上树立了他的威权。

1879年达赖喇嘛确定名分时,忽视驻藏大臣的大权,表示拉萨向清朝皇帝的初步挑战。1890年,清政府于锡金,西藏划定边界会议中承认邻邦锡金的保护。1893年中英签订一项关于通过春丕谷的印藏贸易协定,规定在亚东开辟商埠。1895年达赖十三世掌权的那一年,中国被日本战败,西藏对北京政府的宗主权更加轻视。西藏政府不承认没有西藏参加的中英各项协定,严拒英人开辟通商路线及调整与西藏关系的行动。

达赖喇嘛的抗拒立场得到一个名德尔智的布里雅特蒙古人的支持,此人以德尔杰也夫之名为布里雅特蒙古人所知。德尔智系俄笈,1880年来藏,在哲蚌寺以精研佛学闻名,成为达赖的导师之一,是深得信任的顾问。1898年回俄国为喇嘛教筹款。圣彼得堡当局得知他的来意后任命他为驻拉萨代表,徳尔智带着送给各大寺院的款项和礼物回到拉萨。德尔智劝达赖向俄国求助。1901年达赖遣使去圣彼得堡,与尼古拉二世朝廷取得联系。此时由于义和团运动爆发,清廷由北京出走,满洲为俄军占领,形势有利于实现达赖谋求脱离中国的希望。

清朝驻藏大臣强烈反对藏俄之间签订任何条约。德尔智着手在英藏关系上制造危机,以便使西藏倾向俄国。英国对俄国扩张的恐惧日增,印度英总督奎松认为俄国势力如在西藏确立,必将渗入喜马拉雅山麓诸国并危及印度本身。达赖的顽强态度,德尔智的阴谋策划,英国的疑虑重重,最后英国派遣了一支由荣赫鹏率领的八千人远征军。这次远征的目的是要迫使达赖执行1873年中英
商务协定的条款,并对预期的俄国行动采取先发制人的手段。

1904年3月,当英藏双方在贸易中心地江孜交战时,俄国因忙于日俄战争,无暇顾及西藏形势。月终,英军迫近拉萨,达赖在德尔智陪同下流亡外蒙。1904年9月,喀厦政府被迫签订条约,西藏实际上沦于被保护地位。荣赫鹏条约后来虽曾修改,但条约的签订削弱了达赖的权势。北京政府因达赖已逃离拉萨,召命班禅九世执政,班禅并未受命,在达赖出走期间,一般听命于清廷。

达赖仓促从拉萨出走,他仍以不失其身份的方式旅行,他带着随行人员约七百人于1904年11月到库伦(乌兰巴托)。他的东道主人是蒙古喇嘛教的大喇嘛,库伦的活佛,哲布尊丹巴呼图克图。达赖在库伦时,经德尔智和沙皇联系,企图谋取俄国对西藏独立运动的支持。

1906年,达赖离库伦回到西藏东北的青海湖,住在一所喇嘛庙。达赖不在西藏期间,他要想从俄国方面取得援助对抗英国和清廷的希望日益减少。同年,中英新约重申,确认了中国对西藏的宗主权。1907年8月,英俄签订一项总约,俄国同意不干涉西藏政治事务,并承认英国在“保持西藏对外关系的现状上的特殊利益”。

尽管形势的发展不很有利,但达赖仍力求扩大西藏脱离中国的独立地位。1907年7月,清廷邀请他,召他去北京,但他却去山西五台山圣地了,1908年春抵达该地。1908年8月,清廷下令改革西藏内政,达赖仍在五台山逗留数月之久,常常有来自北京的外交官员前往访问。1908年9月20日,达赖到北京,正在光绪、慈禧临死前一个月觐见了这两位清廷统治者。清廷册封达赖为“诚顺赞化西天大善自在佛”借此表明清廷对达赖的态度,达赖无意接受此封号顺从清廷。达赖在北京时,俄、英、美、日各国使臣曾来探望。在会晤英使朱尔典时,达赖表示印藏和睦相处的愿望。由于朱尔典曾表示将大力满足达赖的要求,于是他希望取得支持以对抗汉族因而转向英国。美国使臣柔克义所撰《拉萨的达赖喇嘛》一文详述达赖在北京时的情况,此文发表于1910年的汉学期刊《通报》。

1908年12月21日达赖离京回拉萨。那时,清廷已派军入藏。中国将军赵尔丰,赵尔巽之弟,攻占巴东作为进入西藏东部的据点。达赖一行西返途中,清军更深入西藏。1909年12月,达赖到拉萨,一月后,赵尔丰的军队也到了拉萨。清军兵临拉萨城下时,达赖通过驻藏帮办大臣温宗尧与清廷商定一项协议。由于他对清廷的意图心怀疑惧,他决定再度由他的都城出走。1910年2月25日,由德尔智伴同离开拉萨。

达赖逃走后,清廷下命宣布废黜其西藏统治者的职务。北京再一次要求班禅出来行使达赖的职权,为班禅所拒。

达赖一行取道锡金的大吉岭前往印度。负责印度政府与锡金、不丹、西藏的关系的英国官员贝尔与达赖会见。达赖表示此来目的是寻求英国援助抗击清廷。1910年3月他去加尔各答,与印度总督明托勋爵讨论中国通过西藏对印度北部边境的喜马拉雅山诸邦的潜在威胁。但是1906年的中英条约承认西藏为中国的一部分,1907年英俄协定规定双方均不得干预西藏内政。英国当时的政策是承认中国对西藏的完全主权,但决不容许中国干涉尼泊尔、锡金、不丹。达赖及其政府在印藏边境的两年多期间内,贝尔和他相处极好,常有私人会谈。

达赖未能取得英国的积极援助,转而求助于尼泊尔。他又向俄国请求援助,所得答复却是通过英国政府转交,这使他深为沮丧。俄国的答覆和英国、尼泊尔的一样,含糊其词。

1911年10月辛亥革命爆发,中国不久前对西藏取得的控制化为泡影。拉萨驻军发生兵变,杀死军官,在市内抢掠。清朝推翻后,1912年6月,达赖从噶仑堡回西藏,因汉族军队仍占据拉萨而未能进城。1912年7月,北京袁世凯政府由四川派军队去拉萨替换原驻军,因为英国进行干涉,才终止了对西藏的占领,原驻军队取道印度撤回,1913年1月,达赖回拉萨。过去九年中,达赖在西藏的时间仅仅两个月而已。

达赖决心驱除西藏的汉族势力。1912年7月,派德尔智回库伦与外蒙商订条约,1913年1月,与库伦活佛订约,双方互相承认独立。达赖以中国不能保护西藏免受外国侵略为理由宣布独立。当袁世凯通知他已恢复他的尊号时,达赖声称他准备在西藏行使政教两方面的权力,不需要中国政府的职位。1913年所派的新驻藏办事长官陆兴祺无法进藏,滞留在印度。

达赖用他的名义封官授爵,过去这是必须经清帝批准的。他还开始以藏族的名义宣称西藏应该在国际上占有自己的新地位。那时北京政府想占领西藏东部来维护它的权力。而英国政府为了稳定局势,确保其在西藏的利益,1913年英国政府召开由英、中、藏三方参加的西姆拉会议。达赖的代表强烈要求事实上的西藏独立,并恢复原有疆界。1914年4月,三方代表同意:西藏分为内藏(或东藏)外藏两部份,外藏有全部自治权。北京政府申斥了它的全权代表,对条约不予承认,而英、藏两方承认此条约有约束力。

达赖还想独揽西藏内政大权,他以不便办事为理由置喀厦政府于不顾。他提高行政效率,一度废除死刑,认为不合佛教教义,采取措施改革财政,逐步削减三大寺院的权力。他声称只有他才有封官授爵之权,可以分封土地并改变官爵的性质。过去这些官爵是世袭的,现在只及于本身。他作为西藏的最高统治者,所有官员和喇嘛寺院院主均由他任命。不听命的僧侣将处以极重罚款和教规的制裁,喇嘛寺院和贵族的经济特权均加以限制,增加的税收,一部分用来装备军队。1917年底,中国军队在西藏东部发动进攻,为藏军大败,被赶岀前所占领的地区。达赖提出每年增募军队,藏军将增加一万一千人,总数达到一万七千人。

北京政府重新企图恢复清朝时代的中国与西藏的关系。为此目的,1919年和1920年先后派代表团去拉萨。看来主要由于英国给达赖政府以支持,代表团无结果而回。1920年秋,英政府应达赖及其政府之请,派了一个代表团到拉萨,这是第一个来自西方国家的代表团。代表团由贝尔率领,在拉萨住了十一个月。他向达赖重叙旧情,并表明英国政策的目的:西藏应有国内的自治权, 西藏的自主权将对印度的安全起防御的缓冲作用。

二十年代初期,达赖和班禅之间逐渐出现裂痕。他们都是被捧得具有唯我独尊的性格,平时很少会面。班禅于1904年、1910年两次受清政府的册封和邀请,达赖对此耿耿于怀。班禅虽然都未接受,但清政府两次提请却使他成为一个取得西藏大权的可能竞争者。1913年1月,达赖回拉萨后批评班禅在达赖流亡时期与汉人的合作,及他在辛亥革命后没有积极设法把汉人逐出拉萨。达赖是坚决反汉的,他愿意为了西藏的利益而亲英、亲俄。班禅虽然反对西藏的内部政策,但也不积极亲汉。双方的矛盾因为达赖要对班禅治下的日喀则、丹吉林寺增加税收而复杂化了。达赖为了要实现他的计划开辟新税源的办法使他与班禅发生了冲突,他建立一支西藏正规军的努力也遭到教内一些人的反对。达赖强向班禅逼索财物和粮食作为税款,班禅于1923年11月化装逃离西藏。班禅1925年初到达北京,北京政府热烈欢迎,并准备认他为西藏统治者的候选人。达赖曾多次抱有让班禅回藏的想法,但由于西藏内政方面的考虑而未能实现。

到1925年,达赖折衷主义外交政策的弱点表现得很明显了。他奉行一个以夷制夷的政策维持自己的独立地位,但一直没有能建立起一个牢靠的对外关系体系。他开始改变西藏的政策由英国转向中国。他任命了一个反英的军官为司令官,英国在拉萨的势力迅速下降。据说1927年和1928年曾有蒙古客人来到拉萨,英方查明那是苏联的间谍。1928年班禅派代表到南京致敬,并希望南京政府能全部管理西藏事务。1930年通过蒙藏事务委员会的汉藏混血种、年方二十二岁女译员刘曼卿,进行了一般性的礼节交往。拉萨方面于1922年派驻北京雍和宫的贡觉仲尼于1930年回到西藏,携有南京国民政府试探达赖达到和解的八项建议。达赖提出他的建议,其中有以承西藏自治换取过去的藩属关系的设想,以及恢复西藏旧日边界等项目。

经交换意见后,达赖派代表去南京,南京方面亦于1931年派代表团带着恢复西藏与中国的“友好关系”的具体建议去拉萨。但在代表团在离拉萨一天路程时,国民政府代表谢国梁突然死亡。同时又发生了些新问题使拉萨与南京建立关系的微妙情况趋于复杂,那是1930年的所谓大金寺事件。当时汉族军队与藏族喇嘛曾在江孜发生冲突,进而发展成为藏军和当地军事长官刘文辉的所部长期争战,拉萨派军增援以维持藏族的地位。1932年及1933年拉萨与被国民政府划入西康和青海的藏东两地区签订了停火协定。

达赖由于工作劳累、两次长期流亡的艰苦生活,西藏地区又缺少医疗条件,1931年神谕预示其不享天年。1933年12月17日。达赖死在拉萨。这一日恰好是藏历十月的最后一天,据西藏说法这是一种凶兆。1934年1月,热振寺主热振呼图克图被选为摄政。他就职后立即向南京当局报告,并请求其承认。这是辛亥革命以来西藏当局第一次提请中国政府的任命。南京方面马上同意。

达赖十三世是为数不多的亲临西藏行使权力的一个达赖喇嘛。在这一方面,他可以与那位伟大的达赖五世罗桑甲错(1617—82)相比,他在十八世纪与中国合并之前统治着这个国家。尽管有过种种国内外的重大困难,达赖十三世靠着辛亥革命的间接影响,在排除汉族在西藏的影响上取得了成功,并在一个时期内给他的境内带来了实际上的独立。

达赖喇嘛的第十四次转世继承了十三世,但他在1959年逃亡了。因此,可以说达赖十三世是西藏最后的一个神权的统治人。贝尔自1920—1921年率领英代表团出使拉萨后退休,他对达赖曾有同情的叙述。贝尔(即后来的贝尔爵士)写了一本《西藏的过去和现在》(1924),献给达赖十三世。贝尔在临死前不久,写成了《达赖传》,于1946年出版。

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